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Coronavirus pandemic and humanity: some biblical insights on how to deal with/in the crisis

Halyna Teslyuk

Ukrainian Catholic University

 The International Congress Renovabis 2020

 The Coronavirus pandemic has covered the planet like a tsunami and caused different kinds of losses: our loved ones, our day-to-day life, our plans and even our dreams. It has changed on a large scale our social behavior, our perception of time and space.  It has caused an immense feeling of anxiety and uncertainty. We are blocked in the present and hardly think of the future. Current studies about mental health effects after natural disasters (tsunami, earthquake, wildfire etc.) show that most people are resilient after calamity and only a small number of people develop post-traumatic stress disorder or other psychological and social disorders (depression, domestic violence, child abuse, anxiety, etc.). People tend to find a secure area after natural disasters, but with Covid-19 no such safe zone can be found.[1] These days we are experiencing uncertainty and anxiety. We keep running, hoping to reach the final goal, but so far we are unsuccessful. As people of faith we reach out to the foundations of our belief, including the Bible. Some may look for answers and solutions, some for comfort and peace, some for insights and inspiration. In my opinion it is up to a person to decide how to approach the Bible on their spiritual pathway. “For the word of God is active and alive” (Hebrews 4:12) I personally look for biblical insights on how to deal with the situation of uncertainty and hopelessness. So many studies have been done on Covid-19; however, the vaccine and proper treatment of the virus are not in sight yet. The image of a runner who never reaches the finish line reflects the current situation. For that reason, I would like to begin my reflections with this quotation from the Book of Isaiah 40:31: 

But those who put their hope in the Lord shall renew [their] vigor, they shall raise wings as eagles; they shall run and not weary, they shall walk and not tire.

There are three words in this passage I would like you to pay attention to: the verb “to hope,” the divine name “YHWH” (usually translated as “Lord” to avoid using the most sacred name of God in Jewish tradition) and the plural pronoun “they.”

The first term (in Hebrew תקוה/מקוה/קוה) predominantly refers to the feeling of trust and confidence in God’s strength now and not to expectations of future outcomes. It describes people’s assurance that God sustains all things on earth.[2] Interestingly, the Hebrew term “hope” (מקוה) is the same word that has the meaning of “gathering (together)” (Gen 1:9-10; Ex 7:19; Jer 3:17).”[3] This noun occurs first in the story of creation: “Let the waters under the sky be gathered together into one place, and let the dry land appear. And it was so.  God called the dry land Earth, and the waters that were gathered together he called Seas. And God saw that it was good” (Gen 1:9-10, NRSV). God’s power to create the world and to control chaos (primordial waters) is the reason to trust him in all sorts of situations. By the way, this story of creation in Gen 1 was written in Babylonian exile (586-536 BC) – the first national tragedy as the first Jerusalem Temple was destroyed, the royal house was suspended and a part of population was deported into captivity. This devastating experience had led religious leaders of ancient Judah to rethink their theology, religious practice and, most likely, social life as well. In this creation story we hear the emphasis that God created time and therefore controls history, the world he created is good[4] in its nature and therefore goodness will prevail. And finally, humans as an image of God can rule the earth and overcome chaos. It is important to note that this Hebrew term “hope” is also one of the very frequent words that has been used by Job in the same book to describe his feelings.[5] Furthermore, most scholars agree that the Book of Job was composed in the time of Babylonian exile or just sometime after it.[6] The feeling of despair and hopelessness prevailed amongst the captives. The prophet Ezekiel catches this feeling quite well: “‘Our bones are dried up, and our hope is lost; we are cut off completely” (Ez 37:11 NRSV). The questions, or rather the outcries such as “Why did this happen to the nation? How could it happen? How shall we carry on?” naturally pop up. The author of Job is in fact trying to reflect on the situation and get some insights into how a community might overcome this disaster. We shall get back to this theme shortly.

The second term used in the above quoted passage from Isaiah I would like you to take into consideration is the Being on whom the prophet suggests relying– יהוה.  This is the most sacred name in the Hebrew tradition. This name had been revealed to Moses at the outset of creation of a new community – a community of chosen people (אהיה אשׁר אהיה Ex 3:14). This name is evoked in the covenantal context (Ex 19–24) when God and the community of Israel establish a mutually responsible relationship. To put it in biblical language: blessings will be bestowed on those who follow the commandments and curses will befall people as a penalty for infidelity. The Book of Deuteronomy in chapter 28 contains a detailed list of blessings and curses. The attentive reader will notice that the blessings and curses involve not only spiritual gains or losses, but mostly material, emotional and social ones. Let me show you two examples.

Blessing for those who live righteously according to the commandments: “Blessed shall you be… The Lord will make you abound in prosperity, in the fruit of your womb, in the fruit of your livestock, and in the fruit of your ground in the land that the Lord swore to your ancestors to give you.  The Lord will open for you his rich storehouse, the heavens, to give the rain of your land in its season and to bless all your undertakings… if you obey the commandments of the Lord your God, which I am commanding you today, by diligently observing them.” (Deut 28:2, 11-12, 13 NRSV)

Curse for those who are wicked according to the commandments: “ The Lord will send upon you disaster, panic, and frustration in everything you attempt to do, until you are destroyed and perish quickly, on account of the evil of your deeds, because you have forsaken me. The Lord will make the pestilence cling to you until it has consumed you off the land that you are entering to possess. The Lord will afflict you with consumption, fever, inflammation, with fiery heat and drought, and with blight and mildew; they shall pursue you until you perish… The Lord will afflict you with madness, blindness, and confusion of mind.” (Deut 28:20-23, 28 NRSV)  

Now imagine Job, who at the very beginning of the story (Job 1-2) is presented as a righteous person, who does what is required of him. He does not know what happens in heaven. That is not his business. He does what is prescribed, and yet all the possible calamities befall him, except his life is left untouched. The disasters that Job experiences alternate between manmade and natural ones. He has every right to ask: “Why?”  

Finally, the third word from Isaiah’s quote I would like to draw your attention to is the plural pronoun “they.” We see in this passage a community of runners. I think the plural form is used here on purpose to emphasize the importance of a community in overcoming challenges, losses, disasters. Kathleen M. O’Connor in her book Wisdom Literature titles the chapter on the Book of Job as “The Book of Job and the Collapse of the Relationship” and states: “Every relationship in his (i.e., Job’s) life collapsed around him, and his personal world returns to chaos.”[7] I think that is an illuminative perspective to look at the Book of Job – the relational one. The outburst of Job’s harsh emotions occurs after the visit of his friends who came to comfort him. What did they do? Let us have a look at the text:

Now when Job’s three friends heard of all these troubles that had come upon him, each of them set out from his home—Eliphaz the Temanite, Bildad the Shuhite, and Zophar the Naamathite. They met together to go and bemoan and comfort him. When they saw him from a distance, they did not recognize him, and they raised their voices and wept aloud; they tore their robes and threw dust in the air upon their heads. They sat with him on the ground seven days and seven nights, and no one spoke a word to him, for they saw that his suffering was very great. (Job 2:11-13 NRSV)

In this passage we note the commitment of Job’s friends to comfort him in his situation of despair. This is the only positive aspect of their act, as many biblical scholars suggest. Even the silence can be perceived as a proper way to be with someone who is in pain. In fact, Job himself will acidly tell his friends that it was the only good thing they have done for him: “If you would only keep silent, that would be your wisdom!” (Job 13:5). Other actions that his friends perform, such as mourning, weeping, tеaring garments and throwing dust, seven days of grieving, are typical elements of burial and mourning-week practice. The friends of Job by their actions virtually buried Job as a righteous person. This will be clear when we read the dialogues between Job and his comforters.

 The imaginative funeral of Job performed by his friends’ bodily expressions, in fact, caused his emotional outburst:

 “Let the day perish in which I was born, and the night that said, ‘A man-child is conceived.’… “Why did I not die at birth, come forth from the womb and expire? Why were there knees to receive me, or breasts for me to suck? … Or why was I not buried like a stillborn child, like an infant that never sees the light?” (Job 3:3, 11-12, 16 NRSV)

 In the Book of Job, we hear four views on the situation represented by three friends (Eliphaz, Bildad, Zophar) and one young man (Elihu) who later joins the conversation. Each of them uses theological concepts and principles to explain Job’s nightmare. Eliphaz: suffering is a result of human activity and divine punishment (Job 4:8-9). Bildad: God is just and cannot cause suffering, therefore Job himself is the cause of suffering, he must make a more careful review of his thoughts and deeds (Job 8:3-4, 13). Zophar: Job is guilty (Job 11:6) and there are no other options to explain his suffering. Elihu: Job’s suffering has an educational goal: “They are also chastened with pain upon their beds, and with continual strife in their bones, so that their lives loathe bread, and their appetites dainty food” (Job 33:19-20 NRSV). To be short, everyone, even though expressing it differently, states that Job is a sinner and he must repent. Suffering is understood only as a sign of punishment. As Rabbi Harold Kushner puts it in his bestseller When Bad Things Happen to Good People: “We see this psychology at work elsewhere, blaming the victim so that evil doesn’t seem quite so irrational and threatening… If the Jews had behaved differently, Hitler would not have been driven to murder them. If the young woman had not been so provocatively dressed, the man would not have assaulted her. If people worked harder, they would not be poor… This is the approach of Job’s friends, and while it may solve their problem, it does not solve Job’s, or ours.”[8] Do you remember another example of the same kind? Jesus and his disciples meet a man born blind. They simply ask: “Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?” Jesus answered, “Neither this man nor his parents sinned” (John 9:2-3). Jesus tells them that there can be other reasons why misfortunes happen, and this is not the way his disciples should treat the person. Jesus heals the blind man and shows him kindness and love. That is an important lesson. Not to judge and question, but to show care and caritas to those who are in pain and distress.  

 Apparently, Job disagrees with his friends’ explanations and urges God to intervene. It is important to note that the biblical author shows two ways of Job’s reaction to the calamities. The first one he describes very briefly: “‘Shall we receive the good at the hand of God, and not receive the bad?’ In all this Job did not sin with his lips” (Job 2:10). Job shows reverence to God and expresses his belief that God governs everything. God is a source of everything that happens to him. The second reaction is presented in the form of Job’s emotional outburst (lamentations) and fiery-rational dialogues with his friends. In this regard, Roland E. Murphy observes: “… one could make a list of statements by Job that cancel each other out. He attacks God (Job 7:20-21; 9:22-24; 16:7-17) and he cajoles God (Job 10:4-12). His despair (9:16-18; 14:18-22) is matched by his faith (Job 13:15-16; 19:23-27).” [9] An attentive reader will notice that Job is grieving not for material and social losses. He is grieving for his relationship with God, for the loss of understanding God’s justice, for the loss of the genuine friendship. He feels betrayed both by his friends – “My companions are treacherous like a torrent-bed, like freshets that pass away, that run dark with ice, turbid with melting snow” (Job 6:15-16 NRSV) and by God – “you seek out my iniquity and search for my sin, although you know that I am not guilty, and there is no one to deliver out of your hand? Your hands fashioned and made me; and now you turn and destroy me” (Job 10:6-8 NRSV). The process of grieving is not linear, it is more like a roller coaster. This is what the author of Job is showing to us. When calamities, misfortunes, disasters befall us and we cannot find any rational answer, and our convictions are undermined, be honest with yourself and express what you feel. Turn all your anxieties over to God and be frank with God.

In the Epistle of James, Job is presented as a steadfast person: “you have heard of the endurance of Job” (Jas 5:11 NRSV). The Greek word ὑπομονὴ[10] is used here to describe Job’s stance. Many translations use the term “patience” to render this Greek term and thus underline the humble character of the hero. I think it is misleading. We can hardly define Job as a patient person, but surely as a steadfast person who despite a situation that is meaningless to himremains persistent in his search for truth. In his final discourse Job recalls the days when God watched over him (Job 29:2), when God’s lamp shined and he could walk in the darkness (Job 29:3), when God’s friendship was upon his tent (Job 29:4), when the Almighty was with him (Job 29:5). These were the blessed and happy days. Furthermore, his place was assured in the community. But when God “turns cruel” to him, “with the might of his hand persecutes him” (Job 30:21), his friends mock him, his neighbors hate him and want to drive him from the community (Job 30:1, 10), he feels lonely and isolated and yet does not give up. He calls upon God.  

 In chapter 38 God finally answers Job, but how? By asking questions about the creation of the universe, about the laws of nature, about the life of wild animals, and at the end about Behemoth (40:15-24) and Leviathan (41:1-34). These questions have theological implications: 1) the world is more complex and vast than Job knows; 2) the world is created orderly and good in its nature; 3) there are some chaotic elements that are permitted to exist, but they do not undermine the created order.[11] Behemoth (the hippopotamus) and Leviathan (the crocodile) represent a temporary evil that is allowed to exist. They embody a threat to the harmony and to the order of the created world. Hence, God asks Job if he can control these powers.

 Behemoth: “Look at Behemoth, which I made just as I made you;… only its Maker can approach it with the sword… Even if the river is turbulent, it is not frightened; it is confident though Jordan rushes against its mouth. Can one take it with hooks or pierce its nose with a snare?” (Job 40:15, 19, 23-24 NRSV).

 Leviathan: “Can you draw out Leviathan with a fishhook, or press down its tongue with a cord?… Will you play with it as with a bird, or will you put it on leash for your girls?” (Job 41:1, 5 NRSV).

 These questions suggest the author’s acknowledgment of human limits, either on the level of power/control or on the level of comprehension. In fact, the notion of limits on humans’ comprehensive understanding and ability to explain everything are described in a poem about Wisdom in Job 28. This chapter is a later addition to the book. Perhaps it represents yet another attempt to provide more arguments on how to react to unjust suffering and to cope with uncertainty. This poem is structured around one question: “But where shall wisdom be found? And where is the place of understanding?” (Job 28:12, 20). The author of the poem admires humans for their ability to discover things, to be able to get into places where even wild animals cannot get and, at the same time, says that humans cannot find wisdom. They search for her, but she is beyond their comprehension. It is only God at the moment of creation who “saw her and declared her; established her, and searched her out” (Job 28:27). In other words, Wisdom is God’s privilege, she is embedded in creation, but creatures cannot grasp her. Humans had to admit the limits of reason on a large scale (how much, for instance, do we not yet knowabout other galaxies, or even the planets in our solar system) and the limits on a smaller scale (six months have passed since SARS-CoV-2 has spread around the world, but how much we do not yet know about it; neither substantial drugsnor a vaccine to combat the virus have been developed). And yet humanity does not give up: we explore the universe and we continue to combat the virus by doing research.    

 WhenGod finally speaks to Job, he does not provide any reason for Job’s case, but Job is relieved. Why? Because he has experienced God. He has had a moment of meeting the Divine. Job doe not need any more explanations:

 Therefore, I have uttered what I did not understand, things too wonderful for me, which I did not know. ‘Hear, and I will speak; I will question you, and you declare to me.’ I had heard of you by the hearing of the ear, but now my eye sees you; therefore I despise myself, and repent in dust and ashes. (Job 42:3-6)

 Although Job was very harsh in his laments against God, he was justified, not his comforters. The friends were sure they knew the law and could speak on behalf of God. But they were wrong. Their “pastoral counselling” and theological discourse failed. The Book of Job teaches us to think out of the box and not to be legalistic when we treat someone. We should abandon harsh legalism because we can easily fall into a superiority complex by creating an image of God that fits our perceptions. As a matter of fact, most probably Job needed just to have his community and friends be compassionate. God answers our cry by making people come to us. We must reach and show people that we care. This is very important. Usually when something bad happens to us we think that we are guilty. We feel rejected. That is important to show up. Say I am sorry and hold the hand and listen. We help more by listening than by explaining. “Why me? Why is this happening to me?” is not a question. It is a cry of pain. You will help not by answering but by easing the pain. Job did not get an explanation, but consolation. Do not try to make sense of it, but simply be there.

I would like to go back to the Creation stories in Genesis once more. It is not a VIP status that we are given as an image of God, as it may seem: “Yet you have made them a little lower than God, and crowned them with glory and honor” (Ps 8:5 NRSV). We ought to be responsible for the created world. In fact, in Gen 2, a second Creation story, more ancient than that in Gen 1, we learn about the task that adam – a human being — is given: “The Lord God took the human and put him in the garden of Eden to till it and keep it” (Gen 2:15 NRSV). The phrase “to till it and keep it” literally from Hebrew means “to serve it and guard it”. In other words, the mission of humans is not simply to cultivate the earth and have profits from it, but to be responsible for it. The ecological mindset is already present in this ancient story. The pandemic lockdown has shown how nature needed a rest, a reload because of the pseudo-rational[12] decisions that humans make. Now I would like to give you an example that connects these two themes: unjust suffering, and humans’ responsibility for creation. Martin Gray, a Holocaust survivor, after all the World War II calamities he had experienced, managed to rebuild his life. He was happily married and lived with his wife and children in the south of France. This happiness was interrupted by a forest fire in which he lost his entire family. What a tragedy. He had people to urge him to inquire who was responsible for this disaster, but he refused to do so. Instead, he dedicated his life to prevent this kind of disaster.[13] To sum up, instead of unanswerable questions we might ask ourselves: “Now that it has happened, what are going to do about it?”[14] Let us not concentrate on the past, but let us look to the future as humanity.  

To conclude, what biblical insights deal with the Covid-19 situation? I would summarize them in the following list:

  • Keep running, do not give up, be aware that this is a long marathon
  • Be honest with yourself, accept limits
  • If you do not find a meaning, try to impose meaning on what seems senseless
  • Build a community of caring people
  • Trust God and do not be afraid of expressing fears, disagreements, pain
  • Be sure God will provide you with strength to overcome calamities

 

 

[1] https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2020/07/coronavirus-special-mental-health-disaster/613510/

[2] In some cases, it means also “to wait, to expect.” Cf. Ernst Jenni, Claus Westermann. Theological Lexicon of the Old Testament (trans. by Mark E. Biddle). Hendrickson Publishers 1997, 1126.

[3] HALOT 559.

[4] Gen 1:4, 10, 12, 18, 21, 25, 31 (“And God saw all that He had made, and behold it was very good, and it was evening and it was morning, the sixth day.”)

[5] Job 4:6; 5:16; 6:8; 7:6; 8:13; 11:18-20; 14:7, 9; 17:15; 19:10; 27:8. 

[6] Norman C. Habel. The Book of Job. A Commentary. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: Westminster 1985, 40-42.

[7] Kathleen M. O’Connor. Wisdom Literature. Liturgical Press, 1990, 86-87.

[8] Harold Kushner. When Bad Things Happen to Good People. Schocken Books 1981.

[9] Roland E. Murphy. The Tree of Life. An Exploration of Biblical Wisdom Literature. William B. Eerdmans Publishing House 2002, 40.

[10] This noun derives from the same root verb that means “remain or stay behind while others go away,” “remain instead of fleeing,” “stand one’s ground,” “endure in trouble, affliction”. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, Second Edition [Walter BauerGingrich, F. Wilbur, William F. Arndt, Frederick W. Danker]. The University Of Chicago Press 1979, 845.

[11] Eric N. Ortlund. “The Identity of Leviathan and the Meaning of the Book of Job”, Trinity Journal 34 (2013) 24

[12] Read irrational, it is rather the desire to have more than is necessary.  

[13] Martin Gray. For Those I Loved. Hampton Roads Publishing 2006.

[14] Harold Kushner. When Bad Things Happen to Good People. Schocken Books 1981.

Rev. bishop Nicholas Samra: I don’t like the term “diaspora”. I am home, and the people already here are home

bpsamra

– Our Church has struggled with latinization for four centuries. Some have made a distinction between Latin practices that have been “organically” assimilated into our rite and those that should be excluded. Others have sought a “pure” Byzantine rite. What is your Church’s experience with latinization?

 We have internally certainly been latinized, particularly since our communion with Rome, which took place around 1724. Antioch was having great turmoil with bishops and patriarchs and competition between various men, because we were under the Ottoman empire for 400 years and prior to that we were under Muslim control. In Ottoman times our people, our clergy were not very well catechized. Even simple clergy did not have good theological schools for hundreds of years. We basically educated them in monasteries, or the bishops would take a few men to teach them. So the education was poor and in the mid-1600s the Roman church entered into the Middle East, initially to educate Muslims. Bu they saw this could not be done in the Ottoman empire. So they began to work with the Orthodox churches. They were welcomed by the bishops because the clergy of our church were simple men, they were not well educated theologically. So before latinization took place, the Western missionaries had no concept whatsoever of Eastern people. They came in because they were Catholic and they saw us as wanting to be Catholic – some already were – and they began to impose what they thought was Catholic, not realizing that Orthodoxy could be very Catholic in its tradition too.

On the liturgical level, since 1724 we really didn’t have too much infiltration with latinization. One or two minor issues developed in the late 1700s – early 1800s because of the influence of the Latin missionaries. The bishops started the celebration of Corpus Christi and some even wrote liturgical offices for it. That was certainly a fabrication. Sadly, they made it into a first-class feast. That was the only major one. The synod brought it up in the late 1960s again when we began to look back on our tradition [under] Maximos IV Sayegh and his successor Maximos V. When we began to recognize our proper traditions the synod talked about eliminating that because it was a direct latinization. These did not have a cult outside the divine liturgy to the Eucharist. We had no problem with it but we didn’t develop that. However, [eliminating] it was postponed for a while because one or two dioceses had made a very large social event out of it. It became like a festival. They would process around the streets, they would sell and buy, they would have games. However, it was supposed to be a religious event. Because it was a deeply rooted festival, they left it alone. But most dioceses did not celebrate it. Here in the United States, we don’t make a major issue out of it and we don’t maintain it as a first-class feast. If somebody wants to sing the troparion for the feast they can do it. But that’s all. Very rarely in the US do we celebrate the benediction for the blessed sacrament. It doesn’t take long. Even in the Middle East it’s very rare.

Other minor things developed but very little when it came to liturgical practice. The patriarch was strong in following the proper traditions that [our church] was proud of having. Part of the problem between our two churches — the Orthodox and Catholic branches — in the 1700s was … relaxation of the fasting rules. Some people were very upset about that, and so was Rome, and they were forcing the Catholic patriarch not to change anything in the liturgical cycle. Eventually modernization did change the type of fasting. But it was in the towns, in particularly the church of Antioch in Syria and Lebanon, Palestine and Jordan. Inland it was very difficult to get food that didn’t have a spine. Fish wasn’t considered fasting by the Greeks, but they could eat shellfish. But in the interior, while we were still Orthodox, the fish developed as a fasting food during the Great Fast. It was not pushed out completely. I don’t think that was a latinization as much as progress and change according to people. Inland they didn’t have refrigeration and they couldn’t get [seafood]. But we didn’t have a major latinization problem.

Educationally, yes – we didn’t have the proper schools, and now with the missionaries really getting involved in the life of our church, particularly after the division in 1724, when there was animosity between bishops and patriarchs and people, we began to see some educational latinization. [There was] development through the missionaries of various customs, the Sacred Heart, and things like that, but it really never developed. So that was a blessing for us.

– The formation of priests to serve in the contemporary conditions of the diaspora requires great discernment and sensitivity to local cultures and global changes. What in your opinion are the best strategy and tactics for the Eastern Catholic Churches in this area?

First of all, I’m a firm believer that our church is planted here and rooted here already. I don’t like the term “diaspora” because historically it had the sense that “we were going to go home.” We’ve been here for a while. I was born and raised in this country and I’m not going home; I am home, and the people already here are home.

What I really believe – and I’ve talked about this as a bishop and even as a priest (I have been a bishop 31 years) – is a common institute of theology for all Eastern Catholics in the US — the only way that we’re going to be able to make our church grow and develop properly in its own tradition. This is still a hope of mine; I talk about it all the time. Not everyone agrees with me but that is fine, we can agree to disagree. Bringing over clergy today from the churches of origin is good. And it has difficulties. Inculturation is very necessary for the clergy. They are coming from different cultures, whether they are from Ukraine or the Balkan areas or from the Middle Eastern churches, there’s a completely different culture there that needs to be recognized as different from the American culture. The American culture is made up of ethnicities from all the different times of the past. Of course immigrants are very important. But now we’re developing something. I believe that most of the clergy, whatever level they should be at, should be properly educated here in this country through a proper theological school that we should eventually erect and develop. We recognize not just the Byzantine tradition in the US. Now, actually, the Syriac tradition seems to be larger because of the Chaldeans that came over during the war. The Chaldeans and the Syriac and the Maronites make up a very large portion of [the Eastern Catholics in] this country. The Byzantines have been here longer, although the Maronites came around the same time. But it seems the numbers are decreasing. I look at the Catholic Directory. We see more deaths and funerals in some of the Byzantine churches than we see baptisms and marriages. Something is wrong in what we have done in the past.  It was normal for us to do it at that time, but now it is time for us to get to the point and say we need to educate our clergy properly. I really believe we can form a theological institute. We have several places [where we] have seminarians. The Ukrainians have a house of studies in Washington, but most of their education is done at the Catholic University of America… The Maronites have the same in Washington. The Pittsburgh has its own seminary. We had one, but one of my predecessors closed it, sad to say. And we were using the Boston Theological Institute, which was involving the Greek Orthodox Seminary — an excellent program of Eastern theology and a variety of other courses in all the theological schools. But today, between the three houses that we have – the one in Pittsburgh and two in Washington – I think we can develop a theological institute. First of all, a major seminary could be housed in Pittsburgh, where we would have our own theological groups of educators, professors. Each one of our churches has very educated men, whether in liturgics or in law or in moral theology or in any of the fields. And if each church had one or two to [present] this new vision of a theological institute, then the [Washington] DC homes could be used for further study, or part of it, or undergraduate study. We would have the larger Catholic view there because Catholic University has numerous Eastern theologians. And the same with Notre Dame. I have a married priest in Notre Dame who is a doctor in theology. He was born Muslim, became Christian, Melkite, went on and had to flee Egypt, where his family would have killed him, came to the US, studied, and God bless him, he’s doing very well. He was in Boston College and Notre Dame took him. I spoke to the Latin bishop of that area to look at establishing undergraduate and graduate courses in Eastern theology. There are enough people there already that know it, and we could establish that from the various traditions. Our seminarians would be raised mixed; if we had a seminary where all the ritual churches existed, one day we could have a Byzantine liturgy, one day a Maronite liturgy, one day a Chaldean liturgy, and we’d learn much more about ourselves that we don’t know. And the development in friendships that would take place with these clergy would be great when they’re out in the field working in the same areas where all our churches work. Some of us are still closed in. The Chaldeans are much more recent in the US because of the wars in Iraq, and they seem to be a little more locked in themselves, and it takes a little time to break in with them and meet with them and talk with them. But I’m a firm believer it can be done. Just put our heads together and our people together and we could establish our own theological institute. A second aspect of that could be to work also with the Orthodox and have several theological schools. Here in Boston they have the Greeks; in Crestwood, NY they have St. Vladimir’s Seminary where Antiocheans and Russians and many other people study, and they have St. Tikhon’s monastery. We could work with them. We could break some barriers to have a proper educational process.

– At the Second Vatican Council Patriarch Maximos IV (Sayegh) called for a renewal of the identities of the Eastern Catholic Churches, for a rebirth of their theology. How do you view the progress of the Melkite Church in this direction? Have there been any major achievements? Has your Church succeeded in realizing its “fulness”?

He was a great man, Maximos IV, he took up a great challenge. When he spoke at the Vatican Council, he and his bishops had planned everything well in advance and spoke as one voice — the Melkite synod. And he made a major change in the Western Church, for sure. By insisting first of all on speaking languages that could be understood by everybody (most of them didn’t even know how to speak Latin), but also holding up the rights of the Eastern churches, particularly the patriarchal and major archbishop churches, recognizing that they follow the pope, and not the cardinals. There was a lot of noise at that time but it’s very interesting — I just came back from Rome two months ago where we had the ad limina of the Eastern Catholic bishops in the US and we had a three-hour dialogue with Pope Francis. And it was shocking because he had no prepared speech. And he said, we will talk about whatever you want. And what he did mention to us — and he’s looking into it — he said, the proper theology in the church is that [there is] the pope, and then the patriarch, and then the cardinals. He said the cardinals have no jurisdiction, they’re a creation to help the pope in running the church. And he said there’s no reason — and he’s looking into it — that a patriarch should even be named a cardinal, and secondly, that they should be allowed — and I believe he’s going to do this soon — patriarchs and major archbishops, who are practically equal to patriarchs — to be electors at the conclave for a new pope. And he said they will not be cardinals and they should not be cardinals. And that was a breath of fresh air. We all smiled of course.

The major problem was with the Syro-Malabar church, who was locked up by the Portuguese just in the state of Kerala, India. But their people are spread all over India and they are a native church and they finally started getting dioceses outside the state of Kerala. However, they have over 400,000 of their people now in the Persian Gulf countries and they want a bishop and a diocese. And there has been some noise through the bureaucracy in Rome. And we mentioned this at several of the dicasteries that we visited – the dicastery for bishops, the dicastery for evangelization — but when we sat down with the pope this came up again. And the Syro-Malabar brought it up and the Pope had a big smile on his face. “Bishop, Bishop, it’s all done. I’m creating a diocese and I’ve already got the names for a bishop, and I believe that the Syro-Malabar church should become a patriarchate.” Now this is interesting because I know that the Ukrainians have been asking for this and use the title. He didn’t say much about this only because there is still this strong problem in ecumenism with Russia and Ukraine and a lot of political stuff involved. But it was very interesting that he’s looking at this seriously.

Two days after this meeting the news arrived to me (and it didn’t become public until three days later; I knew ahead of time), [about] one of my priests, Fr. George Gallaro. He’s an Italian by background, Italo-Greek background, who became a Melkite 50 years ago and has been a major part of our church and eventually was elected 5 or 6 years ago to be the Byzantine bishop of Sicily for the Italo-Greek-Albanian church. And they finished the ad limina the next day, and the phone call came from Bishop Gallaro that he had been appointed the Secretary to the Congregation for the Eastern Churches. This is a major breakthrough, because the pope had mentioned that the Congregation for the Eastern Churches should have an Easterner directing it because we know our church. The Latins don’t know it so well, and all of the staff should be Easterners. Now he puts the main role to the Secretary. And he’s looking for a new Prefect because Cardinal Sandri is over the age for retirement already, and probably we’ll see one coming soon and probably another Easterner. Now Bishop Gallaro has automatically been named an archbishop. We see it as a beautiful gesture to the Melkite church because he was a Melkite priest and bishop, and not only for the United States but for the whole Melkite church and certainly my diocese here. And so I’m very proud of him; he will be on the cover of Sophia magazine, which comes out next month. And it shows the growth in the mind of the West, particularly the pope, that the East needs to develop and grow and direct itself. So this is a great sign.

The past was the past. We can criticize it 100 percent. They were ignorant of us in the United States; we had problems and I’m sure the Ukrainians did too. We had several bishops who wouldn’t allow our Melkite priests to chrismate children at baptism, but we had no bishops to fight for us at that time. So we got stuck. But Vatican II made a major change and we see that the Latin church was no longer considered as the top church, that there was equality in the 21 Eastern and Western churches, not in size but in honor and in dignity. Each one has a tradition. We developed through Maximos IV a group of bishops and priests in Cairo and in Syria — we called it the Cairo School. They were looking to go back to the proper tradition and bring it back. Archbishop Tawil, who was our second bishop here in the United States — his first pastoral letter was “The Courage to be Ourselves,” which is still very popular today and is quoted again and again. “We are who we are, and we must love who we are and be who we are.” And he had with him at that time Archbishop Hakim, who became Patriarch Maximos V, and he had Archbishop Edelby from Aleppo, Syria and Fr. Orest Kerame, who was one of the periti advisors to the patriarch and synod at Vatican II. And they made a major breakthrough. And through that in the US, when Archbishop Tawil came, we slowly went back to our proper traditions when it came to baptism and chrismation and the eucharist and not following the Latin custom. And having funerals and weddings without the divine liturgy, which was the custom in our church because the divine liturgy was a community event. You could have two or three weddings on Sunday and if you had liturgies with them it was silly.

So going back to these proper traditions of our church – of course in modern society – we didn’t get frozen into the fourteenth century – there are some developments that did take place. And the monastic office of course got adapted in parish life. We didn’t have to follow the rigidity of the monks who prayed in the monastery and had the time. Parish life was slowly evolving again to having a parochial or cathedral office, as it was called up until the eighth or ninth century when it fell into disuse as the monastic tradition took over. But in parishes, we still encourage through this time after Vatican II, that vespers be celebrated at least on Saturday night and on great feasts, and that the morning office or orthros also be partially celebrated. The new law that came out of the study of the canons that Rome promulgated focused on participation in either vespers or the orthros or the divine liturgy, which fulfills the involvement in prayer life. So this was very major…

 

Archbishop Zogby was also a member [of this group] and he became the great ecumenical man who wanted to break the pride of both sides, to say “hey, we’re brothers,” and it’s still in progress because historically in the  1600s and 1700s we had intercommunion. The Orthodox bishops welcomed the Latin priests to hear confessions and to educate some of our clergy because they were poorly educated, and there was intercommunion, and of course that came to a certain point where it had to be stopped. But there was that in the past. So can we have that today? That is still being talked about a lot. And the great man behind that is Archbishop Zogby of blessed memory, and we still bring up that whole issue. I think the Ukrainians looked into it very strongly and studied the whole idea. We are brothers and we have to talk to each other.

– What theological issues do you think Eastern Catholics are called to study together, and in what forms can this happen?

I think we have to study everything together. Our canon law needs some adaptations. […] Law doesn’t become the only thing. Liturgy is the lived experience of our church. So I think we need to come together, and try, at least in the Byzantine traditions, to celebrate a common liturgy and each of us making minor adaptations… Here in this country we’re all together and more and more, the language of this country is being used, and we should try to do this together. This was a proposal I also spoke about with Rome and they brought it up too: that all who each have the same Byzantine liturgy, should have a common translation. When I celebrate in the Ukrainian church, as I did two months ago for a funeral, I was tripping over the text, because my text was a little different – a word different here, a word different there. You don’t need this: it’s the same liturgy. That’s one of the hardest things to do. My thing is, find one liturgist from each [church], lock them in a room and tell them, don’t come out until you agree, because everyone likes a different word. But we can do it. We can do it today. And also that means in minor rubrics — some rubrics that developed into our church came from social custom, and were liturgical, for instance, the blessing of pascha food among the Slavic people. And what they’re doing, they’re blessing it on Holy Saturday singing “Khrystos voskres,” when it should not even take place yet! That’s a social custom that developed. So these things need to be adapted, and I think we should study all these things together.

The moral theology of our churches is all the same, and we could study it all together based on liturgical life. Our catechetical life is based on our liturgical life. We’ve always said our liturgy is catechesis. But how do we apply it? We became rubricists – “make sure you follow, turning to the right, turning to the left, swing the censer 16 times” or whatever it may be — but we never adapted it into catechesis with the people. I have a document that we made about liturgical catechesis — that liturgical life is catechesis, and we’re developing that now through my office of evangelization and catechesis directed by Fr. Hesechias Carnazzo. And we’re becoming successful. It’s a slow process. Now during this Coronavirus we were forced to do many home issues, more than coming to the church schools, and that in my mind is one of the major things we need to do together: educating our adults. We always say the first catechetical place is the home. But we didn’t develop that. We developed children’s education, Sunday schools and things like that, but we never taught the parents how to be the catechists. So we need to do that much, much more.

You served as president of the association of Eastern Catholics in the US Conference of Catholic Bishops. What were its successes? Does it remain successful now?

[laughs] That’s very interesting. First of all — technically, it was not a part of the USCCB. It was an association of Eastern Catholic bishops that developed a number of years ago before my time and basically it was an annual dinner — going to one bishop’s chancery, we travelled there, had dinner there, and he set a little agenda. And it was a nice social. So I got involved, and became a bishop 31 years ago. And I said, I can eat dinner at my house, let’s do something more, let’s make an agenda, let’s talk. And it was necessary at that time to establish what we called the ECA – Eastern Catholic Associates – we didn’t name it a bishops’ conference, we named it that because of a variety of things that happened with it. The development of the religious education programs started about 50 years ago now, which has produced the “God with Us” series and many resources. It was started by a couple of priests (I was a seminarian the first year and became a priest later). And we started getting together, realizing that we needed our own catechetical material. So once it started we needed an umbrella that could give us tax exemptions and things like that. So the bishops were forced, in a way, to establish the ECA, which was the umbrella organization. And one of the arms of the ECA or committees was the education committee. And that’s how the ECA got started. And then when I became president  — because I made a lot of noise at the meetings – I wound up [president for] 6 years – I started a little agenda-making and we got together and we talked a little bit more… It took a long time to get together. In those days the Eastern bishops were very minimal in the States. We didn’t get ours until 1966, and then the Maronites, and little by little, Vatican II opened the door to all of them. So they didn’t have the recognition that we have today.

I remember [when] I was a priest in Chicago and Bishop Tawil, who ordained me (by the way as deacon, priest, and bishop — the patriarch couldn’t come during the Lebanese war to ordain me a bishop, so he delegated Archbishop Tawil) — he came to the conference of bishops that was at Chicago that week. And I picked him up one day and he was very agitated. I said, “What’s the matter?” We were going to dinner. He said he was new in the country and his English was good, but he needed [to understand it] better, so he wanted to always go up to the front at the conference of bishops and listen closely in the front seats. He was met by one of the Eastern bishops, who said, “No, no, we sit in the back. Because the Eastern Church is like the black people in the United States.” I wanted to cry for the poor man. That was the silly mentality then.

Now it’s changed. Through the ECA we developed a lot more vocalness at the bishops’ conference. And nine or ten years ago we asked the bishops’ conference to make a region for the Eastern Catholic Bishops – Region Fifteen. Each one of us was then falling into the region where we lived – one Eastern bishop with 15 Latin bishops. It didn’t make any sense. So the first ad limina we made to Rome was in 2011, because it was in 2010 or 2009 we made that region. We now still have an annual meeting of the Eastern Catholic bishops, usually at the Maronite chancery office, and there we have progressed in developing the educational programs. We were able as Eastern Catholic bishops to run encounters of the Eastern Catholic Churches and we’re looking forward to another one in two years. In 2000 we had the first encounter. I was asked by Rome to chair it and it was in Boston. They set the agenda and it was the bishops and one or two priests only and it went very, very well. And that was North and South America and Australia. But they set the pace. In 2006 we had the second encounter, that again I chaired for the Eastern bishops and we did it in Chicago and we had over 130 people – bishops, educators, laity, and priests and nuns, and we studied common things and it was for the United States and Canada, the English-speaking, and Australia was invited. And in 2010, 2011 or 2012 we had the third set of encounters, and there we broke it into not one in the whole country but four: East, West, Midwest and South. And we had over a thousand people and we opened it up to the laity. And they were crying, “We want more, we want more.” We were learning our traditions and we were learning each other. And now – this came up at the bishops’ conference several years ago and they decided they didn’t want it, but now we’re talking again and we’re going to do it: I’m in charge of setting it up a committee of some clergy, deacons and priests, to set up a plan for four or possibly five gatherings of Eastern Catholic bishops – not Eastern Catholic bishops only, but the laity also. Clergy and laity, for growth of our Eastern Catholic churches in the United States. This was very important and developed from the ECA.

– To what extent are the laity of the Melkite Church involved in solving church problems, not only in the USA, but also in other countries? What lay organizations are active?

I know in the Middle East they have what they call the [indistinct] Great Council or diocesan council (eparchial council) working with the bishop. But that developed so differently [in] the Ottoman times, when it was very important for the laity, who got involved in choosing their bishops, that they chose a bishop who could play the political game well. Because under the Ottomans, the church was civil [authority](other than in cases of murder; anything else, the church had). The bishops and the patriarchs ran their church under the Ottomans. That was the way the Ottomans divided it for the Christians, for the ritual churches. They were afraid that if they got an ultra-spiritual bishop, that he did not know how to deal with the civil empire. After the Ottomans were gone, after World War One, it still played a role in the Middle East. The church still gets somewhat involved in politics — which is not very healthy. And we’re recognizing that as a big problem we face now.

When they came to this country they had the same mentality: that church councils run the church. That created major problems for all of us. When Archbishop Tawil came in 1970 he established eparchial, diocesan councils, parish councils. But we were supposed to have proper training in how they should be run. And the role of the laity was very important in the church. Not all of them work well. Particularly when you have immigrant families who have this concept that a council is a council of control.  Finally, with the new canon law we are breaking away from pastoral councils that deal with everything. And we’ve developed in the Melkite Church in the US three councils: the parish pastoral advisory council deals only with pastoral issues — make your parish alive, elderly people, young people, whatever it may be, senior citizens, hospital visitations, what does it take to make an active liturgical parish; a finance committee – separate – advisory to the priest, with people educated in finance; and a building and property maintenance council that takes care of that. So you don’t have everything in one council where everybody wants to talk about money. It’s a slower process that’s starting to develop. In several parishes, I have canceled parish councils where they were fighting with the clergy. And we made commitments, which is basically the same, but the committees are working. So it’s a redevelopment taking place.

But I’m a firm believer that we didn’t spend enough time in evangelization. It was normal when we first came to this country, we were ethnic groups of people, our people stuck together. The Slavs liked to make pierogi, the Arabs liked to make some of their Arabic foods, tabouleh, kibbeh, whatever, and it was normal for those people to be together. By the second generation and the third, “I can buy all that food in stores. Yes, it’s still better from Mama, but I can still buy it.” And we’re now overseeing ourselves as just an ethnic church; we’re here to evangelize the world.  The Scripture tells us, “there’s no Greek, there’s no Syrian,” there’s no Ukrainian, it’s all the one body of Christ. And everyone should be welcome to join this community, and we have something special to give to the West. But our laity became the cooks in the church and the cleaners – when you had a party they set it up and they broke it down and they cleaned the floors and the ladies cooked the food. There’s more to spiritual gifts than just cleaning and cooking. And we need to re-focus very strongly on the education or the catechization, the evangelization of our people. I hate to say this, but I really believe, 80 or maybe 90% of our faithful are not evangelized. They know “one God, three Persons, Jesus Christ, Mary, Mother of God,” but they don’t know how to put all of that into action and live it. Ask a Catholic, East or West, to get up and give a witness about what Christ means to them. My God, they’re afraid! They’re afraid to say something. So we need to really focus on evangelizing our people. We’ve lost a lot of time, but it’s not impossible.  Thank God we have a lot of good ones and we can use them. Christ started with twelve; we can start with twelve too, and work it out. 

 – Your Church’s presence in the US dates from roughly the same period as ours. But whereas many of our faithful have felt strongly that the Ukrainian vernacular liturgy (though not the traditional Church Slavonic) should be preserved, as opposed to English, your Church adopted English early on. In recent decades, both our Churches have experienced a new influx of immigrants. How has your Church experienced the issue of language?

For the first generation of course it was very necessary, especially because the Middle Easterners came here even illiterate in their own language. My grandparents on both sides couldn’t read or write their own language. They could speak of course their own dialect. And Arabic is two languages. There’s classical and there’s dialect. Much like Ukrainian and Old Slavonic. When these languages were known in their home country they understood it all. But as the church grew, the children didn’t learn the languages so much. Among the Ukrainians, they tried to preserve it. Among the Greeks, they tried. But we’re beginning to see that those numbers are much less than what people think. And the East always had that concept. We never had a sacred language only for the liturgy. Old Slavonic, when it was known by those countries, was normally understood. But as the people lost that knowledge, the [new] languages should come in — Ukrainian.

Now when they come to this country they have to start adapting. I believe the basis of our liturgical life is English. You use an ethnic language where needed. If someone doesn’t understand it I’m not              them saying, you can’t use it. Of course. In sacramental life they have to understand. But they adapt. It’s amazing, they adapt in going to the bank, in going to the supermarket, in buying cars, in going to work, in learning the language. Therefore they have to adapt and learn the liturgical language of the country. I’m not forcing the language out, but we have problems in our churches now. Again, when these people focus just on an ethnic language, they’re focusing really on ethnicity. And not just the language. You can’t be forever and ever, five generations later, Middle Eastern Syrians and Lebanese. You can’t do it. I am one of four children. My younger brother, my younger sister, if they know any Arabic it’s a few words for food. Their children don’t know anything. It’s just a common thing. Archbishop Tawil was very strong about that – bringing in anyone who wants to be a Melkite. And the language is not that necessary.

We’re facing a new problem with the new immigration right now. I have several new churches. Allentown, Pennsylvania is all new immigrants coming from Syria, the Valley of the Christians. And the main language right now is Arabic. But I have forced upon them half English. And their children are smiling because they may talk broken Arabic to their parents, but they don’t know classical Arabic. I was so happy when I learned to read classical Arabic. I went home from the seminary that year and I’m reading to my grandparents – I couldn’t speak to them – I had learned a little bit of Arabic but that was it – and they didn’t speak English. So I took a children’s book with me, Pinocchio, reading to them the story of Pinocchio in Arabic, and they [said], “What are you saying?” They didn’t understand it. It was classical. And then dialects differ from city to city in the Middle East, and from country to country. If you call somebody “aziz,” which means “the sanctifier” in Syria, you mean a priest. If you say that in Lebanon you’re talking about a Protestant minister. So you get dialects that differ. […]

And there are ways to get around that. The Latins are doing that now in their churches with the Spanish. When you go to a Latin church (I sometimes help out with confirmation for them) and the epistle if it’s going to be in Spanish that Sunday, it has an English translation in the bulletin. And the next Sunday it’s in English and there’s a Spanish translation. We have to get around it. The new community that has started in Jacksonville, Florida, again, is heavily Arabic, but the priest I’m sending there, whom I’ll be ordaining in July, and opening the community, is Lebanese-born but came to the United States at eighteen, a married man. He’s fluent in both, and he knows that they require English. And they know. I was there to visit them for five days. And language came up. And they were the ones who said to me, “Bishop (they called me Sayeed-mem, meaning “a master,” “vladyko”), we need English. Our children don’t understand classical Arabic.” So thank God there’s some. You’re going to get here and there a few who won’t come to church because [there is] no Arabic. Well, God bless them [inaudible], they can find it in a Latin church, which I doubt. So these are some of the things that we identify with. I think it’s a slow process.        

– In your experience, what concrete forms of cooperation with your Orthodox counterparts have you found effective?

On this last question, cooperation with the Orthodox, I’ve been a member of the Orthodox-Catholic bishops’ dialogue thirty-one years. We meet annually. There’s two branches of it: the theologians meet and the bishops meet separately. Two bishops are with the theologians. And we’ve made great strides. The theologians have worked over many common things together. Instead of looking at what divides us, we look at what unites us. And we’re finding that we’re only an ounce away from each other. We even got to the point where we can say, the filioque issue is silly. After all these years… At least when the bishops’ dialogue, we don’t take what people call the “division aspects” strongly. We talk about our pastoral life together. What happens when you have an Orthodox and a Catholic marriage? How do you handle this? What do we do? What about the children? So we have a great dialogue there. This year we’re missing the meeting because of the Coronavirus. But there’s been a breakdown. Not with everybody, but there’s been a breakdown.

We had a great dialogue going with the Greeks when we were using their theological school here in Brookline, Holy Cross, for our education. And I was rector of the seminary one year, and when I went to the meetings, the bishop (who became the archbishop), Demetrius, said, “Our best students are the Melkites.” As the Greeks just came because they had to. It was very interesting. The dialogue continues. It’s going to take a long time. Tonight I’m going to be on a Zoom with my deacon candidates (our program for June had to be postponed and we don’t know when yet, it’ll probably be another year) and they just want to get together and talk. And one of the things they are going to bring up is, why can’t we celebrate Pascha together? Sad, very sad. We attempted in the Middle East to try that, but we need unanimity with all the Easterners. And it didn’t work. You’re going to have one do it, another not do it; it’s a real problem.

Interviewer: Andrew Sorokowski

Freedom within Limits: “Uniate” Theology between Catholic West and Orthodox East

Subdeacon Dr. Brian A. Butcher
Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky Institute of Eastern Christian Studies
The University of St. Michael’s College in the University of Toronto

 

Introduction

This essay revisits the question, “What Is Eastern Catholic Theology?”, raised at the Catholic Theological Society of America’s 1998 convention but the object of scant scholarly attention since.[1] The issue of “freedom” (and its corollaries of identity and recognition) lies at the heart of the “Uniate” Churches’ experience, to the extent that their prerogatives, not to mention their very existence, have historically been —and even today often still are—regarded as ambiguous, not to say ambivalent, by Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christians alike. Adapting insights from various texts of the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur (1913-2005)—whose thought I engage more comprehensively in my book Liturgical Theology after Schmemann: An Orthodox Reading of Paul Ricoeur (Fordham University Press, 2018)[2]—I endeavour here to explore how different Eastern Catholicism is (or should be): to what extent may it express diversity without thereby promoting division, or claim unity while resisting uniformity? What kind of liberty obtains between Eastern Catholics’ responsibility to “[safeguard] the unity of the faith and the unique divine structure of the universal Church,” and the right to “have their own discipline, enjoy their own liturgical usage and inherit a theological and spiritual patrimony” (Vatican II, Lumen gentium, 23)?[3]

Since the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) Byzantine-Rite (Greek/Greco-) Catholics—only one subset, of course, of Eastern Catholicism—have been wont to refer themselves by the neologism “Orthodox in Communion with Rome.”[4] For centuries, however, we were rather derided (or backhandedly complimented!) as those who, so to speak, thought like Latins while praying like Greeks. The question arises, in consequence, as to the measure and manner in which Eastern Catholics constitute an ecclesial synthesis. What is the nature of the boundaries determined, or perhaps rather dissolved, by the Eastern Catholic—or to illustrate the problem, as it were, Eastern Catholic—traditions, construed according to Lumen gentium’s fourfold taxonomy of Eastern distinctiveness cited above?[5]

The pertinence of Ricoeur to the topic at hand is signalled in the observation of one of the CTSA panelists that “true liberation, an authentic Eastern Catholic voice, is only possible once the duality that ‘to be is to be like’ has been surmounted.”[6] Now translation, of course, is concerned precisely with negotiating the spectrum between sameness and difference. Indeed, in On Translation, Ricoeur argues that translation may actually serve as a paradigm for all understanding, since even the act of speaking a mother tongue involves the articulation of one’s own, inchoate experience into an idiom intelligible to oneself and others.[7] How then, do Eastern Catholics enjoy particular liberties, and/or suffer particular burdens, as translators of their own traditions—as those compelled by their minoritarian status to engage in “carrying over” into a common precinct the particularity of what has been “handed down” to them, namely their respective heritages of canon law, liturgy, theology and spirituality?

Translating the (Actual and Varied) Traditions of the East:

‍Rendering the Other in the Same

In the first chapter of On Translation Ricoeur notes that the translator is in the invidious position of having to strive for faithfulness to the language of origin, thereby proving ever vulnerable to the accusation of infidelity, i.e., to having not done enough to “remember” well what is said originally in his or her effort to transmit it into a foreign tongue. This foreign tongue, in turn, resists assimilation, and invariably, something is “lost in translation.” The translator is always left guessing, therefore, as to the adequacy of the equivalence posited.[8] And yet there is optimism: having accepted the limitations of his or her craft, the translator can nonetheless enjoy the assigned labour, which resembles a reciprocal experience of hospitality in which one receives the foreign at home, but is also welcomed in one’s sojourn abroad.

I think the relevance of this first sense of translation to the field of Eastern Catholic theology will be immediately perceived. No small work is involved in, literally, translating, into Western languages what has hitherto been unknown: the “foreign,” if not exotic, textual treasures of the Christian East—especially in today’s political climate where unfortunately the foreign can readily be equated to the hostile. Such treasures include a variety of genres, of course: biblical commentaries, homilies, speculative treatises, liturgical rites, hagiography, canonical prescriptions, etc. A dizzying array of ancient languages mediate these texts, and to learn any one of these languages to the point of being able to successfully translate its literary patrimony is an admirable accomplishment in its own right. But a skilled translator comes to recognize, as Ricoeur indicates, the “untranslatable” at the heart of any language—the unique genius which gives a given language its peculiar ethos. Translation, then, already at this basic level, implies a humble awareness that all translating is provisional—that the work of translation remains an unfinished project.

Moreover, Ricoeur’s attention to the notion of the “untranslatable” in any given language seems to me to imply that a certain on-going commitment to a tradition is required, if it is ever to be understood. Evidently, one needs to dwell with a language—dwell within it, we might say, over time—in order to come to terms with its own particular “unsayable”—and thus learn how to speak about it, if not to speak it. A kind of ascesis is required, if I might say, a struggling with a tradition; to adequately translate a devotional or liturgical text, for example, I wonder if one actually has to pray it, even perhaps sing it (in the case of the former), in order to enter into the spirituality with which it is saturated. Does theological method, therefore, not presuppose a context in which such commitment to the “living” of texts is both possible and encouraged—lest their genuine meaning never surface? Such a context includes an openness to relationship with the Churches whence such texts originate; not that there will not at times arise what Ricoeur calls a “conflict of interpretations” between academics and adherents, but rather that such conflict has the potential to engender a productive dialogue and ultimately what Ricoeur calls a “course of recognition,” in which the otherness of the Other is more deeply appreciated than it would be were such engagement to never take place.

Translating (Holy?) Tradition:

‍“Carrying Over” What Has Been “Handed Down”

Ricoeur continues by suggesting that beyond denoting “the transfer of a spoken message from one language to another,” translation may be taken as a synonym for the act of interpretation within a given language. Hence, he approvingly quotes the dictum of philosopher George Steiner (1929-2020): “To understand is to translate.” Ricoeur ponders the following enigma: if languages do submit to translation, as is manifestly the case, must it not be due to a “common fund” lying behind, i.e., at the origin of all of them or, at least, amenable to being extracted from them—an original or universal language?

This problem reiterates what Ricoeur had mentioned earlier regarding the absence of a tertium quid: the desired “common fund” has not been, and perhaps never can be, accessed—notwithstanding a history of efforts that end. As I note in an earlier article treating On Translation in regard to interreligious dialogue, Ricoeur evokes the portentous claim of Lutheran theologian George Lindbeck (1923-2018) that “adherents of different religions do not diversely thematize the same experience; rather they have different experiences”: religions, “at least in some cases, differentially shape and produce our most profound sentiments, attitudes, and awarenesses.”[9]

These considerations open up, in my view, the second level at which to connect the phenomenon of translation with Eastern Catholic theology. The field does not only involve the rendering of the foreign into a familiar idiom, but proposes that one should seek to discover the relationship between each manifestation of what is “foreign,” and its respective “familiar” equivalent. This task involves situating Byzantine history and theology vis-à-vis the broader life of the Church as a whole, of which it is but a part. And this, importantly, means seeking to grasp the interaction of “traditions” in the constitution of “Tradition” with a capital “T”—a version of the conundrum faced already by Plato with respect to the “one over the many.”[10]

The work at hand, in other words, is to figure out how to identify what is common amidst difference, and what is in fact a distinction with a difference. But because there is no tertium quid, no neutral “common fund” of Tradition directly accessible apart from the particularity of actual traditions. To translate “Tradition,” then—to “carry across” that which has been “handed down”—is to carefully but creatively explore various ways of making sense of the data—proposing a metaphor by which “A” be seen in terms of “B,” for instance, or arguing that “C” may be postulated (if not directly apprehended) in virtue of the analogous characteristics of “A” and “B.” Any number of doctrines or practices which historically have proven the object of polemics could serve as a case study in translation, taken in this sense: the dogmas concerning the Virgin Mary, for instance, or the nature of eucharistic consecration, or the legitimacy of the veneration of icons.

Eastern Catholic Theology as a Translating Tradition:

‍At the Intersection of Theory and Practice

 There is yet a third sense of translation limned by Ricoeur, which seems pertinent to how we conceive of nature and role of Eastern Catholic theology. Ricoeur’s historical overview of the dual, quixotic quests for an original, and a universal, language led him to assert that there is a theoretical “impasse” (paradoxically traversed, however, by the actual, everyday practice of translation). In response, Ricoeur favours further reflection on the dialectic of faithfulness and betrayal. In words that might aptly be applied to our present concern, Ricoeur notes that “translation remains a risky operation which is always in search of its theory.”[11] It is risky not least because we forget the “infinite complexities” even of our mother-tongue; a translator is ever obliged to re-learn his own language in the act of acquiring another. Ricoeur cites German poet Friedrich Hölderin (1770-1843) to this effect: “What is one’s own must be learned as well as what is foreign.”[12] But the dialectic of “faithfulness and betrayal” invites further application to two salient aspects of the Eastern Catholic theological enterprise as I construe it: the subsuming of disparate realities under the ambiguous moniker of “Eastern Christian,” and the oscillation between theology as study and theology as prayer, alluded to above—prayer, and especially liturgical prayer, being an activity that Orthodox and Eastern Catholics alike (notwithstanding their other differences) would characteristically see as the sine qua non for authentic attainment of theological truth.

Firstly, with respect to “Eastern Christian”: it is well known that the Christian East conventionally denotes four families of Churches, the Eastern Orthodox Churches; the Oriental Orthodox; the (Assyrian) Church of the East; and the twenty-three sui juris Eastern Catholic Churches. Now there are several places where one can find programs in “Eastern Orthodox Studies” or “Orthodox Christian Studies” or, as at my own institution, “Eastern Christian Studies”—although there are none, to my knowledge, that offer “Eastern Catholic Studies.” The variety of nomenclature evinces the uneasy relationship between different groups of Eastern Christians, whose historical interactions have often left much to desire. To wit, the Eastern or Chalcedonian Orthodox still view other Eastern Christians, in principal, as schismatic, if not outright heretical, because of their alleged Monophysitism, Nestorianism or Papalism, respectively. And the other Churches have not infrequently proved quite able to give as good as they get!

What the designation “Eastern Christian” countenances, therefore, is the simultaneous challenge of a) the demand of conscience for freedom to be faithful to one’s confessional heritage as this is understood and experienced, and b) the demand of reason for an acknowledgement that no one actual Eastern Church can plausibly claim to unilaterally possess, or even duly represent, the entirety of its respective heritage. One must give equal honour, we may say, to the poles Ricoeur names as “critique” and “conviction.”[13] This is a work-in-progress, as there is scant historical precedent for what the late Oriental liturgist Robert Taft calls “ecumenical scholarship”:

[E]cumenical scholarship [is] a new and specifically Christian way of studying Christian tradition in order to reconcile and unite, rather than to confute and dominate. Its deliberate intention is to emphasize the common tradition underlying differences which, though real, can be the accidental product of history, culture, language, rather than essential differences in the doctrine of the faith….It seeks to enter into the other’s point of view, to understand it insofar as possible with sympathy and agreement. It takes seriously the other’s critique of one’s own tradition, seeking to incorporate its positive contributions into one’s own thinking.[14]

The study of Eastern Christianity serves, therefore, as a laboratory in which to practice what Taft elsewhere calls “anamnesis, not amnesia”: we risk the accusation of betrayal, from one or more sides, in attempting to practice a theoretical fidelity—which some see rather as meretricious—to a unity that resists uniformity, and a diversity tantamount (if not equivalent) to division.[15]

In the second place, with regard to the nexus between study and prayer, the Eastern Catholic theologian is implicated ineluctably in a hermeneutical circle connoted by the ambivalence of the notion of “orthodoxy’—surely one of those Grundwörter or “primary words,” which for Ricoeur preserve the rich sedimentation of a people’s intellectual history[16]—one which to varying degrees has retained the evocative polysemy of the Greek original in the calques it has inspired in Slavonic (pravoslavie) and other Eastern languages. As Jaroslav Pelikan (1923-2006) explains, the terms lying behind the compound word “orthodoxy” have always been productively ambivalent:

The noun doxa means “opinion,” and the noun orthotēs means “correctness.” Therefore Aristotle…without actually using the relatively rare term orthodoxia, can propound the definition: “Correctness of opinion is truth [doxēs orthotēs alētheia].” But when the opinion of others about someone is favorable, doxa already in classical Greek has the meaning of “good reputation” or “honor,” and therefore of “glory”….In Church Slavonic, and then in the other Slavic languages, doxa…is translated with slava, and Orthodoxia becomes Pravoslavie. It means simultaneously the right way of believing or teaching and the right way of rendering glory to God, for ultimately the two are seen as identical.[17]

The freighting of the liturgical experience with such theological import, by one who was undoubtedly the twentieth-century doyen of church history, only reiterates in a scholarly key what is intuitively appreciated by the proverbial “man in the pew” of the Eastern Churches—and most Eastern churches in the so-called diaspora do have pews!

Eastern Catholic theology appears inexorably destined, therefore, to wrestle with the centrality of worship to all its endeavours: scholarship may not be subsumed or replaced by liturgy, of course, but neither may it presume to be insouciant towards it. Symbiosis may capture the dynamic at stake. Or, to switch back to the metaphor governing my paper, it is necessary to “carry over” the devotion of the chapel into the inquiry of the classroom, even as the obverse remains imperative as well.

Conclusion: The Course of Ecclesial Recognition

In closing, I would like to turn from On Translation to another of Ricoeur’s later works, which appears to me to speak clearly to the matter at hand. In The Course of Recognition, Ricoeur analyzes how we move from recognizing an object to recognizing another person to, in turn, the moment of self-recognition—as well as thematizing the aporias attending misrecognition. In doing so, he explores the dialectic between recognizing as something we do, and something that is done to us—something we receive; recognition in this sense is a phenomenon tantamount to gratitude. Now one might argue that even the titles of these books already suggest a sort of connection, if not filiation, to the extent that translation always implies not only a process of recognition on the part of a translator but the consequent recognition by others—or lack thereof—of the translation in question, whether in terms of its correctness, clarity, consistency or charm. Permit me then to draw connections between this work, particularly its conclusion, and the modalities of translation that I have hitherto attributed to Eastern Catholic theology.

Firstly, there is the dialectic of recognition and misrecognition, which bears a certain analogy to the faithfulness-betrayal pair identified by Ricoeur as a challenge facing any translator. Eastern Catholics tell different stories than their Orthodox brethren—or rather, they tell the same stories differently—such that in the ensuing conflict of interpretations the respective constituencies do not recognize their own history. Things are not just lost in translation: sometimes, they are intentionally mislaid! As Ricoeur well states: “But the relating of memories can also turn into conflict through the competition among memories about the same events that do not agree. In such cases, alterity can lead to people reciprocally cutting themselves off from one another.”[18] Indeed, it is arguable that reconciling discrete historical accounts of history is a more pressing ecumenical task than resolving doctrinal discrepancies on a conceptual level; as Ricoeur’s richly textured work on narrative and selfhood demonstrates, having a usable history is an existential imperative. The challenge here is how to hand down multiple renditions of history in a way that does not pre-emptively “demythologize” in favour of a pretentious standing-above, a pseudo-forensic reduction of interpretations to alleged facts, as it were, but nor again to galvanize prejudice by rehearsing versions of the past uncritically. Ricoeur reminds us that “[w]e do not mistake ourselves without also being mistaken about others and our relations with them. If the essence being mistaken is, as Pascal says, ‘not knowing,’ the misunderstanding of oneself does not avoid the risk of misunderstanding itself.”[19]

Secondly, and not unrelated to the preceding concern, there is the question of the burden involved in translating tradition, in “carrying over” what has been “handed down.” To wit: it is not clear how much of the past must be preserved in the present, or revivified if it has fallen into desuetude. Vatican II called for Eastern Catholics to “attain to an ever greater knowledge and a more exact use of [their Rite and way of life] and, if in their regard they have fallen short owing to contingencies of times and persons, they should take steps to return to their ancestral traditions,” while underestimating, perhaps, their will to overcome ignorance of the past, if not indifference to, or indeed outright rejection of, it.[20] It is obvious, in many domains, that Eastern Catholics feel no urgency to re-open old wounds by putting into question their received forms of life: to do so might raise the uncomfortable question of how much we need to change in order, paradoxically, to be ourselves. It takes a certain, and perhaps rare, courage, to put into question one’s own legitimacy, in order to acquire a more authentic identity. Ricoeur argues that “mistakes are something to avoid, and first of all to discover and condemn. It is only after the fact that mistakes show themselves to be a relevant part of the search for the truth.” The path forward, then, involves a revisiting of past, acknowledging “the work of misrecognition in the gaining of recognition.”[21] 

Finally, there is Ricoeur’s nuanced verdict on the importance of preserving asymmetry in the midst of recognition. It may, all things being equally, actually be good for Eastern Catholic theology that Orthodox Christianity continues often to see as contradictory the differences between East and West (and East and East) that we presume to be complementary. The touted unity-in-diversity of Eastern Catholicism may require, that is, the very alterity of our Orthodox—their remaining-in-place, as it were, apart from and even resistant to what may plausibly, in certain instances, be a pre-emptive “course of recognition.” Ricoeur warns against the “pitfalls of a fusional union, whether in love, friendship, or fraternity on a communal or cosmopolitan scale,” appealing for a “just distance [to be] maintained at the heart of mutuality, a just distance that integrates respect into intimacy.”[22]

An Eastern Catholic can readily avoid Schadenfreude at the current disarray in the Eastern Orthodox world over the autocephaly of the Church in Ukraine, by soberly recalling that the historical vicissitudes of the Uniate Churches leave much to be desired. There are no obvious solutions, it appears, to the relationship of the one and many—whether in the Christian Church or in many other arenas of life. Ricoeur’s counsel is that acceptance of “a kind of companionship with misunderstanding, which goes with the ambiguities of an incomplete, open-ended life world, has to replace the fear of error.”[23] Indeed, it may be best to embrace the sense of contingency, of an incomplete identity, which Eastern Catholicism appears to possess nolens-volens. To conclude: I remain equally consoled and convicted by the words of Dominican theologian Aidan Nichols, who frames the Eastern Catholic vocation in terms of the now-but-not-yet:

I propose that Uniatism should be re-read as a term of Christian eschatology. After all, the transformation of a divided Christendom into a unitary communion is itself an eschatological aspiration….who could ever suppose that the integration of all the baptised into a single communion is other than an asymptotic goal—an end that people take as an ideal reference point rather than a practical one?[24]

* * *

[1]. The papers from this panel were collected in Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 39:1 (1998), and include contributions by Robert Taft, Peter Galadza, Andriy Chirovsky and Myroslaw Tataryn.

[2]. My book takes as its premise that the work of Ricoeur might illumine the way in which the experience of worship in the Byzantine Rite reshapes our understanding of ourselves, others and the world around us. I have subsequently been inspired in my reading of Ricoeur to seek an application of his hermeneutics to other issues, including those treated here.

[3]. Among the other, cardinal declarations of the Second Vatican Council concerning the Eastern Churches, there is the following: “[T]here exists an admirable bond of union, such that the variety within the Church in no way harms its unity; rather it manifests it, for it is the mind of the Catholic Church that each individual Church or Rite should retain its traditions whole and entire and likewise that it should adapt its way of life to the different needs of time and place.” All, moreover, “should attain to an ever greater knowledge and a more exact use of [their Rite & way of life] and, if in their regard they have fallen short owing to contingencies of times and persons, they should take steps to return to their ancestral traditions” (Orientalium ecclesiarum [1964], §2 & §6). In “What Is Eastern Catholic Theology? Some Ecclesial and Programmatic Dimensions,” Peter Galadza points to Vatican II as the occasion of a paradigm shift: Eastern Churches do not have only distinct a liturgy and canonical tradition, but also a spirituality and, indeed, a proper theology. Eastern Catholics, however, have not taken up the challenge implicit in this affirmation: often fixated on Catholic-Eastern Orthodox axis, indifferent to marks of a “universal” theology concerned with ultimate questions. Indeed, Eastern Catholics since V II have relied, understandably, on their Orthodox brethren. And yet there are new areas to address, which Orthodox have not, or only begun to address. Henceforth, according to Galadza, they are to “appropriate and synthesize currents of thought that until now have been alien to their worldview”; to move away from parochialism, i.e., a “stultifying particularism,” while capitalizing on their “legitimate particularity.” The task is daunting: “The nature of religious hermeneutics per se, the psychological-anthropological study of rites, critical church historical research, the modalities of Revelation, Quantum physics and faith—not to mention the broader area of faith’s relation to science as a whole…” are all areas in which, for Galadza, Eastern Catholic theology is ordered to the present (and future), rather than simply being a rehearsal of the past (Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 39:1 [1998], 67).

[4]. On this moniker, see the following on-line exchange: https://orthodoxyindialogue.com/2018/01/30/can-you-be-orthodox-in-communion-with-rome-by-brian-a-butcher-liam-farrer-and-kevin-basil-fritts/ (accessed Feb. 4, 2020).

[5]. Such a line of inquiry will hopefully serve to probe the earnest contention of the founding director of our Sheptytsky Institute, the Rt. Rev. Dr. Andriy Chirovsky: “If to be an Eastern Catholic is to believe that one can simultaneously live the fullness of Orthodox tradition and enjoy the fullness of Catholic communion, then to do Eastern Catholic theology is to be reconciled to the inevitable and unresolvable tension between these two loyalties in the theological realm” (“Orthodox in Communion with Rome: The Antinomic Character of Eastern Catholic Theology,” Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 39, no. 1 (1998): 72). Chirovsky effectively argues that East and West end up at the same destination, following different routes. It is difficult to know, however, how readily this conviction this can be demonstrated. May it be vouchsafed in advance, that is, or can it only be acquired, as it were, upon arrival?

[6]. Myroslaw Tataryn, “What Is Eastern Catholic Theology? Beyond Classicism Towards Liberation,” Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 39, no. 1 (1998): 98.

[7]. Paul Ricoeur, On Translation, trans. Eileen Brennan (London & New York: Routledge, 2004).

[8]. As Ricoeur puts it here: “[G]ive up the ideal of a perfect translation,” for one must accept the “impassable difference of the peculiar and the foreign” (On Translation, 8-9).

[9]. George A. Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age (Louiseville & London: Westminster John Knox Press, 1984), 40. I reflect on this at length in “Naming the Unnameable(?) Liturgical (Un)Translatability and the Challenge of Interreligious Dialogue,” Proceedings of the North American Academy of Liturgy: Annual Meeting, Houston, Texas, 7-9 January, 2016 (July 2017), 67-76.

[10]https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/platonism/#3 (accessed Feb. 4, 2020).

[11]. Ricoeur, On Translation, 14.

[12]. Ricoeur, On Translation, 21.

[13]. See Paul Ricoeur, Critique and Conviction: Conversations with François Azouvi and Marc de Launay, (originally published as La critique et la conviction. Entretien avec François Azouvi et Marc de Launay. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1995), trans. Kathleen Blamey (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998).

[14]. Robert Taft, “Mass Without Consecration? The Historic Agreement on the Eucharist Between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East Promulgated 26 October 2001,” Worship 77, no. 6 (2003): 486–87. In the same passage, Taft continues, “Of course to remain scholarly, this effort must be carried out realistically, without in any way glossing over rea) differences . But even in recognizing differences, this ecumenical effort must remain a two-way street where each side in the dialogue judges itself and its tradition by the exact same criteria and standards with which it judges the other.”

[15]. In his contribution to the CTSA panel (“Eastern Catholic Theology—Is There Any Such Thing? Reflections of a Practitioner,” Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 39:1 (1998): 13-58), Taft offers historical (and contemporary) overview of Eastern Catholic theology, ultimately identifying several notable characteristics: it is a theology in reaction, due to indifference, if not rejection, by both Western Catholics & (Eastern) Orthodox; it is “in the making”: diffident, conscious of the Other(s); it is “self-conscious” due to small size & stature; it is “open & unashamedly eclectic”: mixing East & West; “rejects the pseudo-antithesis” b/n East & West, and false polarization; it “forms an integrated whole”: connected to its ascetic & aesthetic contexts; it is “ecumenical”: seeks to “reconcile & unite, rather than confute & dominate.” Curiously, Taft praises the first “millennium of [the Church’s] undivided unity” as evidence of essential complementarity of East and West, ignoring the facts—of which he is undoubtedly well aware—of the portentous separation of Greek and Latin Christians, by the 5th c., from their Assyrian & “Oriental” (Non-Chalcedonian) co-religionists. One wonders in turn about this historic loss of communion between imperial and the non-Greek East, particularly about what the consequently dyadic view of the (Chalcedonian) Church implies for discerning what counts as “authentic magisterium,” or Tradition-with-a-capital-‘T’? For Taft himself argues that we must take account of “full spectrum” of tradition: furthermore, those who have “unilaterally” modified it are, in his view, principally responsible for resolving ensuing conflicts.

[16] See Ch. 1 of On Translation.

[17]. Jaroslav Pelikan, Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2003), 407–08. Pelikan affirming the principled unity of doctrine and worship in his discussion of the “symbolical books” of Orthodox Christianity, asserting that despite its genre the text of the Divine Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom (the usual eucharistic formulary of the Byzantine Rite) finds itself included in collections of these “books” (the creeds and canons of church councils as well as the “confessions” of Orthodox hierarchs) because it stands as a criterion of the faith. See Pelikan, Credo, 405. A more extended discussion of this issue can be found in the first chapter of my Liturgical Theology after Schmemann, referred to above. 

[18]. Paul Ricoeur, The Course of Recognition, trans. David Pellauer (Harvard University Press, 2007), 254.

[19]. Ricoeur, The Course of Recognition, 257.

[20]Orientalium ecclesiarum (1964), §6. 

[21]. Ricoeur, The Course of Recognition, 259.

[22]. Ricoeur, The Course of Recognition, 263.

[23]. Ricoeur, The Course of Recognition, 256–57.

[24]. Aidan Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches: A Study in Schism, 2 Ed. (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2010), 19.

Attending to the movements of my heart: An Asian American conversion from ‘uniatism’ in the ‘model minority’

Justin KH Tse

你的眼神 充滿美麗 帶走我的心跳

The spirit of your eyes flooded with beauty leads my heartbeat away[1]

王力宏 Wang Leehom

Introduction

Until two years ago, I considered myself an Asian American evangelical. Now I am a Greek Catholic in the Church of Kyiv. I was received into the church by chrismation in Richmond, British Columbia on the Feast of Ss Peter and Paul in 2016. The parish there was famously described on the satire personality Michael Schurr’s show Toronto Television as the ‘Chinese mission’ of the Greek-Catholic Church. I do not know if that is a good description of our actual demographic makeup, although it is a humorous characterization. Certainly, we have more than a few Chinese people in attendance because the situation in Richmond is such that the city’s population is about 55% ethnic Chinese, and so is about a quarter of the larger metropolitan area known as Vancouver. But for those who regularly come to liturgies, there are also people with backgrounds from the Philippines, Jamaica, Latin America, Japan, and the United States. We are a Canadian parish, which means that we have people from a variety of ethnic backgrounds who attend, and our common language is English, although we do the Apostol readings in both English and Chinese.

I am one of the Chinese people at the temple. However, my background is a little bit more complicated than others who are actually from Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China, and Taiwan. My ethnicity may be Chinese, but of all the languages that I speak, English is my most proficient. I confess, though, that both Cantonese and Mandarin Chinese have the ability to touch my heart in more profound ways than my preferred language, like the sound of a mother speaking to my inner child. Part of the reason for this complication is that I was born in Canada and lived in the United States for the first eighteen years of my life before returning to Vancouver for higher education. Currently, I teach at Northwestern University in suburban Chicago. While I live there, I have been invested in the mission of our church on the south side of the city. However, I return to Richmond often, especially during my winter and summer breaks.

It took becoming Greek Catholic for me to describe myself as truly Chinese. Before my conversion, I described myself as suspended between two worlds in my own sense of self, between an English-speaking world and my inner Chinese heart. Now it is all one. But approaching that kind of integration required a process of conversion that was both spiritual and intellectual. Indeed, in the terms of the hesychastic spirituality of our church, these two spheres are also fused, as I attempt to bring my conscious intellect into the stillness of my heart to meet the Lord. For us as Byzantine Christians, head and heart are one, but realizing that I must bring them together has been the first step in a long journey on which I still struggle. It has been a process of developing a true sense of integrity in who I am in a full sense. I am Chinese, but as I will describe in what follows, I have rediscovered my Chineseness not just as an ethnic background. To truly be Chinese is to find rest in a way of being that is deeply attuned to the movements of the heart. It is a spiritual orientation. It is universal in its particularity.

In popular American terminology, the term of identity that is usually misused to describe a person like me is Asian American, someone whom the Catholic theologian Peter Phan describes as ‘between and betwixt’ the cultural identities of Asia and America. In the context of evangelical Protestantism in North America, an Asian American is conventionally understood to be someone who is of the second generation or further along, a person whose cultural sensibilities have been assimilated into what the American sociologist Will Herberg famously called the American Way of Life in his 1955 book Protestant-Catholic-Jew. The ideology behind this assimilative understanding of ethnicity is a liberal one that posits that coming into the public sphere requires the shedding of private ethnic identity. The irony is that in my case, the portal for that assimilation has been evangelicalism, Protestant networks often described as theologically, socially, and politically conservative. In an evangelical mindset, the emphasis is on intentional inner conversion to ideas about Christ’s salvation of the soul from eternal hell through a theology that emphasizes his crucifixion as a substitutionary death for personal human sin. When I joined the Greek-Catholic Church, the irony was that I converted away from this conversionary network and even from this assimilationist understanding of being Asian American. In this way, I became more fully myself because I found myself increasingly less subjected, as we say about the Church of Ukraine, to these vectors of ideological colonization.

This conversion was, I would say, an intellectual shift because it shifted my intellect, my nous, as the hesychasts of our tradition might say, in its consciousness of who I truly am. In so doing, I became more truly Asian American, more truly Chinese, more truly Cantonese, and more truly Christian in the process. In this second sense, I am also making the case that it is usually invalid to use Asian American to describe ethnic demographics; indeed, I do not use it that way in my scholarship. The problem with ‘Asian American’ as a term of demography is not just that ‘Asian’ is far too expansive of a category to cover all the ethnic groups that could be represented —Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Malaysian, Thai, Vietnamese, Filipinx, Indian, Pakistani, Afghani, Iranian, Iraqi, Palestinian, Turkish, and so on. Asian American in its original sense has political origins in the 1960s that are seldom now acknowledged. Originally, to be Asian American was, in the words of the journalist Jeff Chang, to ‘pick a fight’ with the systems that told you who you were as an Asian without hearing your true story and how you really felt as a person. The ugly word that is used to impose on Asians a false identity is Orientalism. The task of Asian American studies is to contest all forms of orientalization. Orientalism is an ideological colonization. We are not interested in being colonized.

As a professional academic invested in Asian American studies in my secular work, I am invested in reclaiming that original sense of ‘Asian American’ as a politics. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate that my conversion from evangelical Protestantism into the Greek-Catholic Church of Kyiv has given me unexpected intellectual tools to accomplish this task. The two words that I want to explore more deeply as markers of my conversion are uniatism and model minority. Both are deeply ideologically loaded words that have become seen as terms of offense in the respective worlds of Greek Catholicism and Asian America. I understand that the Orthodox use the word unia to describe not only our church’s full communion with the See of Rome, but also to accuse us of taking on the Latin Church’s theological formulations, devotional practices, and liturgical sensibilities at the expense of our own Byzantine heritage. Uniate, as I understand it, is a term of insult for a people whose inferiority complex in relation to Rome leads them to discard their own tradition for another.

But as I have reflected on the term uniatism over the course of my mystagogical education in this church, I found that it resonated with some of my own struggles with the concept of Asian America. I asked myself: is not the inferiority complex of uniatism the same impulse as model minority, the term that liberal Americans use to frame Asian Americans as ‘outwhiting’ white Americans at assimilation into an American Way of Life through the systems of education and economic success? Did I not understand from my previous life the deep pain of being called a uniate because I was told that all that I was doing in my life was playing a game that was not made for me? Did I not convert into an understanding of Greek Catholicism as rejecting the charge of uniatism and revealing itself to be in its truest sense Orthodoxy in communion with Rome, the formulation of some of the members of the Kyivan Church Study Group in the 1990s? Was not this conversion therefore also a way for me to personally reject the inferior position of being cast as the model minority?

What I want to suggest, then, is that my conversion to Greek Catholicism was probably more radical than I could understand when I was received into the church two years ago. It turns out, I reflect, that I had been behaving like an ‘uniate’ without knowing it for as long as I saw myself within the assimilative structure of the model minority. By the Lord’s mercy, I discovered that I had converted to a church whose historic wrestling with the term uniatism is constantly leading to deeper discoveries of who she actually is. As I join in that wrestling by participating in her life, I also come to a fuller appreciation of who I am. I am truly Asian American because I reject the orientalizing tendencies of an assimilationist ideology. It should be no surprise, in turn, that becoming Greek Catholic has made me more fully me. After all, the Greek-Catholic Church of Kyiv is also invested in the work of fully being herself. I can attest to the truth, then, of the statement often repeated in our church that the Greek-Catholic Church is not just for ethnic Ukrainians, but a church from Ukraine for the world. I am one of those people from the world that has received this blessing from Ukraine, and instead of making me a Ukrainian, it has simply made me me.

I will move in two parts in the remainder of this essay, then. My first step will be to describe more fully my experience of model minority ideology in Asian American evangelicalism as my own personal struggle with uniatism before I even encountered the Greek Catholic Church. In a second section, I will explain how the process of becoming Greek Catholic while teaching Asian American studies at Northwestern University led me to become more fully myself, to undergo the conversion by which I have been slowly undoing the work of ideological colonization in my heart. My hope is that this article will be a first step in showing that the intellectual life of the Greek Catholic Church and her struggle against ideological colonization can serve as a pathway for converts like me to work out our own salvation in fear and trembling by journeying toward the integration of our intellects with our hearts.

 

The model minority as Asian American evangelical uniatism: a confession

Let me first explain why I use the controversial term uniatism to describe my past in Asian American evangelicalism. In a classic essay entitled L’uniatisme, the Eastern Catholic theologian Cyril Korolevsky argues that, even though the word uniate is supposed to refer to the Union of Brest by which the Orthodox bishops of the Kyivan Metropolitanate came into communion with the See of Rome, uniatism in practice is the outworking of an inferiority complex by Greek Catholics toward the Latin Church. Seeing Byzantine theological formulations and liturgical sensibilities as inferior to Latin ones, practical uniatism (according to Korolevsky) merges Greek and Latin practices in ways that show a preference for Roman traditions, such as the rosary, the Sacred Heart, the Stations of the Cross, and the juridical modus operandi of Roman Catholicism in general. In this way, Korolevsky productively develops the pejorative sense by which our Orthodox sisters and brothers use the term, in the sense that uniatism is about being perversely in bed with Rome as mater ecclesia instead of simply participating in shared communion as equals. As the ecumenist John Madey argues, the Greek Catholic mandate is thus to achieve a ‘conscientization’ among the Catholic churches that the Latin Church is not a ‘mother church,’ but a sister church. ‘Uniatism’ in this sense only refers to the incidents when some Eastern Catholics mistakenly see the Church of Rome as a superior mother, whereas the truth of the matter is that the vocation of Greek Catholics is precisely not to be uniates because full communion implies that, at least in theory, the Latin Church is supposed to be our equal.

Setting Korolevsky’s piece within a tradition unique to Eastern Catholics, Archimandrite Robert Taft SJ suggests that the entire task of Eastern Catholic theology is about recognizing the dignity of the Eastern Catholic churches’ original practices as Catholic in and of themselves. In this way, communion with Rome is distinguished from the theological inferiority complex. Perhaps Patriarch Sviatoslav’s comments to Pope Francis at their most recent meeting to renew the union might shed much-needed clarity on this term. He observed in the presence of the Bishop of Rome that the greatest act of uniatism in the twentieth century was the forcible reunion of Greek Catholics to the Moscow Patriarchate by the Pseudo-Sobor of Lviv in 1946. Here, uniatism has again its twin characteristics of inferiority and forced merging that Korolevsky described. But our Patriarch’s radical development of this concept involves naming an Orthodox uniatism, a posture of Greek Catholic subordination to the Orthodox in this case that leads to an illegitimate union that was as perverse as climbing into bed with Rome as the mother church. In this way, our Patriarch demonstrates that Korolevsky’s use of the term uniatism as the ideological colonization that is especially pronounced in the historic experience of Greek Catholics can be used more broadly in our church’s discourse about Christianity more generally. Rejecting the description of Greek Catholics being uniates ourselves, a critique of uniatism is perhaps the clear ecclesiological offering that our church currently provides to the world.

My sentiment that ‘uniatism’ is an illegitimate description of the Greek-Catholic Church is probably suggestive of my particular theological alignment within our beloved Church of Kyiv. We were instructed very well during the catechumenate at our Richmond temple about the explorations of the Kyivan Church Study Group in the 1990s, the group of theologians from our Greek-Catholic Church who engaged in conversation with representatives of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople about them recognizing our church as a legitimate Orthodox Church that is in communion with Rome. As I have learned from my participation in the life of the Church of Kyiv, we Greek Catholics understand ourselves to be Catholic because the tradition handed down to all the spiritual children of Ss Volodymyr and Olha Equals-to-the-Apostles, including me as one born late, is as universal as the patrimony of the Church of Rome, so much so that Greek Catholics enjoy full communion with her. Indeed, the attempts by some of our theologians to slowly roll back the practices in our church that are more Latin than Byzantine is, in fact, an attempt to be more fully Catholic in our Orthodoxy, to follow the instructions of the Bishops of Rome in Orientalium Dignitas, Orientalium Ecclesiarum, and Orientale Lumen to be fully ourselves in our own tradition and liturgy — nec plus, nec minus, nec aliter, in Leo XIII’s immortal formulation. By our existence, we show that catholicity does not depend on assimilation into the Latin Church, but in fact by being different from her and yet still in union. In fact, as Patriarch Sviatoslav suggests in his pastoral letter on the Vibrant Parish, the truest Catholic act will be to recognize ourselves most fully in the common tradition we share with our sisters and brothers in the Kyiv Patriarchate, the Autocephalous Orthodox Church, and even the Moscow Patriarchate and to work for the fulfillment of our shared life together.

Sharing in the life of the Greek Catholic Church and her critique of uniatism has enabled me to see that I was unknowingly behaving in uniate ways when I was an Asian American evangelical. I grew up in a church that is very similar in two respects to the church of Ukraine. The church of China, though mine was Protestant, is a church of martyrs and as such has a diaspora around the world, including in North America. My childhood church in the San Francisco Bay Area was founded by one of these confessors of the faith, Pastor Stephen Chiu, a man who was tortured by the Chinese communists but escaped from prison to Hong Kong where he was part of a group of exiled Chinese evangelists that started evangelical churches around the world. Like the Ukrainian churches of the diaspora, ours had a Chinese school, and I attended it weekly. Mostly populated by Taiwanese immigrants, it was where I learned the Mandarin language with the gentle inflections of spoken conventions in Taiwan, even though my family is Cantonese-speaking with origins from Hong Kong. In fact, when my father, who became a pastor in the Chinese church, had his internship at a nearby Cantonese-speaking church, I was sent to both the Cantonese and Mandarin language schools.

In these church-based language schools, I learned the words, poetry, the songs, the music, the history, and the literature of both Chinese languages. I had a people, and I was part of a tradition. In fact, if I were to characterize the culture of the church life in which I grew up, it would be with the Mandarin words gandong, the sense that one’s emotions at the level of the heart were being moved and stirred, probably by the Holy Spirit. The Cantonese is gumdong, and while it means the same thing, that language is like a different method of stirring my heart, still Chinese, but perhaps an earthier flavor. To me, this ability to feel the spiritual world with my heart in both Mandarin and Cantonese lay at the centre of my understanding of Chinese Christian practice as a child. Indeed, heart is used to describe all sorts of feelings in Chinese. To say that I have an open heart means that I am happy. A closed heart means that I am worried, and if I want to let go of my worries, I must release my heart too. When I tell someone to be careful, I instruct them to have a small heart so that they can really pay attention to details. A good person is described as having a clean heart. A malicious person’s heart is rotten. To invest fully in my work, I must use heart. When I am overwhelmed with the feeling of love, my heart is full. My heart and the hearts of those around me are what I grew up feeling, and it is the language that I used to describe the world of spirits and the society of persons.

Over time, though, I was taught that this beautiful way of the heart was insufficient as a Christian practice. As I look back, there might have been many factors that contributed to this inferiority complex. It could have been, for example, that the charismatic movement swept through this church when I was a child, or that some of the people in my upbringing had no capacity for doing church politics in a meaningful and constructive way, or that there was a sex scandal that rocked my childhood congregation to the core. Upon reflection, most of these problems, serious as they were, were irrelevant as far as understanding our own sense of theological inferiority. Instead, I would say that many of our real issues came from being in love with the idea of America as a land to which we had immigrated for personal economic opportunities — as well as fleeing communism, but that was seldom discussed. Pastor Chiu’s famous line, for example, was where there is Christianity, there is prosperity. He often continued: Look at China! There is no Christianity, so it is not prosperous! Look at America! There is Christianity, so it is prosperous! At the level of the children’s ministry, I recall that many of my Sunday school teachers would tell us that their wish for us was to grow up to become successful. In practical terms, success meant that we were to go to a top American university and then find a well-paying job in a respectable profession that often had to do with the law, medicine, engineering, or the world of financial institutions. The idea was that that trajectory would launch us into a lucrative career, through which we might be able to take care of our families in a material way.

I do not really know if these first-generation Chinese Protestant immigrants really understood that we English-speaking young people were taking them quite seriously when we proceeded to their great disappointment to reject what we thought was ‘Chinese culture’ and to embrace a version of the American Way of Life expressed through the popular ideological currents of white Protestant evangelicalism. One word that came up again and again in both English- and Chinese-language accounts of what was wrong with Chinese Christianity in America was the word Confucianism. The false presumption behind this term is that Chinese culture is actually based on a series of hierarchies — ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder to younger, friend to friend. Actually, the Analects of Master Kong are much more about restoring order in the chaos of ancient Zhou society by reinstating the traditional liturgies of bowing, courtesy, and familial bonds. However, modern writers discussing contemporary Chinese American Christianity do not seem to be bothered by their poor reading of the classics. While destroying our trust in the spiritual sense of our own heart, they posited that the common sense in Chinese American churches was to organize English-language church services that might identify as Asian American in the demographic sense.

The idea, then, was that a culturally Chinese Christianity represented an incomplete understanding of how to be Christian because it was supposedly dependent on hierarchy and authority. Indeed, we attributed the workings of the model minority to that first generation because it was they who seemed to be pushing us to educational and economic success based on what felt like their authoritarian values. The second generation, the ideology then went, was the hope of the Chinese church because it would be they who would then achieve a society of equals that facilitated individual dedication to God and his missionary purpose to the world. We thought that by creating this way of being, we were resisting the model minority and its success-driven ethos. Of course, these ideologues did not know that there was an anti-orientalist political sense of the word Asian American, or else they would not have made such generalizations in the first place.

Perhaps the greatest irony of English-language services in Chinese churches, as I reflect over my many experiences in a number of churches (including those at which I have been employed in English ministry), is that in resisting the model minority mythology, they became even more model minority. The problem is that the theological resources that animated the communities I was in were entirely drawn from the world of American Protestant evangelicalism. The main ideological thrust of these materials, however, tends to substitute logical reasoning at the expense of the language of the heart. A keyword that they emphasize is intentionality. You have to make a resolution in your mind, one text by the apologist Josh McDowell puts it, to make moral choices in situations of temptation before they happen. The True Love Waits Movement of the 1990s, a part of a network shorthanded as the ‘purity culture,’ featured teenagers promising at the level of intention to remain celibate until marriage. Romantic courtship, in the books of Elisabeth Eliot and Joshua Harris (about which he has since expressed second thoughts), should be about the intention of getting married, not just going on a date for fun. Operating in the gender role in which God created you is a matter of mental resolve: men must intend to be warriors and leaders, it was taught, and women should be intentional in their submission and their embrace of the role of being wooed. The same went for the organization of the community in intentional small groups, praise and worship teams that declared their intentions about putting God first before all human relationships, and missionary outreach that intended to use the local scale to bring the Gospel to a globalized world.

I would argue that this focus on intentionality led to the accidental construction of a theological model minority. Out went the heart; in came the head. There was some basis in Protestant theology for this obsession with intentionality; it can be summed up in Martin Luther’s dictum justification by faith alone. There have been many debates among Protestants about the meaning of this phrase, and this is not the place to re-litigate them. But in broad strokes, the way that our communities received this teaching was to reduce all Christian action to the point of intention. How one became a Christian in the first place, at least according to this tradition, was by believing in Jesus Christ, or at least intending to do so. It would be one thing if faith in this sense really was about what Benedict XVI called a ‘personal friendship with Christ,’ but the real questions in the world of Protestant evangelicalism revolved around the ideas that you believed about Jesus and whether you actually meant that belief with intellectual purity and sincerity.

These propositions were what we called theology. There was a continuum among evangelicals, especially of our Asian American sort, about how serious they were about them. The ones who emphasized the theological formulations were known for their seriousness about ‘truth.’ Those who tended to embrace a more therapeutic approach to life could be described as emphasizing ‘mercy’ and ‘grace.’ Indeed, the funniest part about the latter group is that they also tended to seek out practices that were foreign to their tradition, such as ‘centering prayer,’ icon veneration, monastic routines, and lectio divina. The uniatism of the theologically ‘serious’ lay in their denigration of way of the heart in their pursuit of the head, while in the second case, the uniate practices manifested in the de-contexutalized incorporation of spiritual practices into their tradition as if their original way of doing things was not good enough. It was difficult to see this problem clearly when I was in this world, though. At the time, I agreed with many of my evangelical colleagues that evangelicalism was a hopelessly fragmented movement with many ideologies. Now that I am not in it, I am able to see with new clarity that everything was done to locate individuals along the spectrum of a theological seriousness that was not supposed to be part of our way of doing things in the first place. In this way, the way of the heart that I learned from Chinese Christianity as a child was seen as unserious. I wanted to be serious. The trouble is that replacing success with seriousness, I was still caught in the logic of the model minority, aspiring to ascend in institutional apparatuses that were not truly my home.

In this way, my experience of the model minority in both its secular and theological forms from within the world of Asian American evangelicalism can be described as my own personal struggle with uniatism before I even encountered the Greek Catholic Church. The Chinese Christian practices that I learned as a child emphasized the way of the heart and its movements in discerning the spiritual world. However, both practitioners of that very tradition and a second generation that sought to differentiate themselves from it were beholden to an inferiority complex. In my Asian American evangelical case, the relationship of uniatism was not with the Latin Church or to the Moscow Patriarchate, but to America, to its educational and economic institutions, and to its rationalist religiosity that was institutionalized in our encounter with evangelical Protestantism. The words that Asian American scholars might use for this phenomenon are model minority, but from the perspective of Eastern Catholic theology, this is an instantiation of uniatism too because it features the self-denigration of a theological praxis that leads to a forced merger with the foreign church cultures of American evangelicalism, with its diversity of practices around intentionality, theological propositionalism, and a surprisingly ’uniate’ propensity to play with Orthodox and Catholic contemplative practices in their spirituality. The name for this model minority uniate phenomenon, I propose, is Asian American evangelicalism. It was only by becoming a Greek Catholic that I was able to see this reality clearly.

 

Becoming Asian American via the Greek Catholic Church: a conversion story

Like the reframing of Greek Catholicism as a critique of uniatism, to be truly Asian American is also to reject the model minority and its Orientalism, not to reinforce it. What this means is that instead of running away from my childhood Chineseness by insisting that my fluency in English is better than my Chinese language skills, I have had to embrace it. But it took becoming Greek Catholic for this process to manifest fully, which means that the interesting thing is that being received into the Church of Kyiv has not so much made me into an adopted ethnic Ukrainian, but more fully attentive to how my Chinese upbringing and my learning of both Cantonese and Mandarin has shaped my heart and its ability to sense to the supernatural. Asian American in this sense is perhaps best captured by the historian Gary Okihiro, who claims that Asians did not go to America, but America went to Asia. Like Greek Catholics sometimes falling to the temptation of uniatism in seeing the Latin Church (or the Moscow Patriarchate, in some cases) as a colonizing mother, Asian Americans have sometimes fallen into the trap of wanting to be American because they have been subjected to the constant expansion of the United States as a global empire over the last two hundred years. But being truly Asian American means to resist that kind of ideological colonization by being more fully ourselves. My spiritual pathway to that resistance has been my participation in the Greek Catholic Church.

Maybe the conditions by which I had my first serious encounter with the Greek Catholic Church might explain how I came to embrace my own Chineseness when I joined her, instead of adopting a contrived Ukrainianness that would be as foreign to my way of being as if I were still stuck in my American evangelical ways. I first encountered the Greek Catholic Church in Vancouver during the days of the pro-democracy Hong Kong Umbrella Movement in 2014. A little more than half a year after the events on the Maidan in Ukraine, students and their supporters in Hong Kong demanded that the Hong Kong government and their political masters in Beijing grant the Hong Kong people the right to genuine universal suffrage, a radical form of democracy where the people themselves could nominate candidates instead of having them pre-selected by the Chinese Communist Party. What then happened from September 26 to 28 almost exactly mirrored the clash with the Berkut in Kyiv in December 2013. During the occupation of a central plaza in Hong Kong known as Civic Square, the police fired eighty-seven volleys of tear gas into the crowd in an attempt to disperse them. In response, tens of thousands of Hong Kong residents rushed to the streets, shouting, ‘Protect the students.’ The result was a seventy-nine-day occupation of three key politically, economically, and socially significant districts in the city, including by Christians who put up street sanctuaries close to shrines dedicated to Cantonese hero-deities. The real contrast with the Maidan is that there is no Heavenly Hundred in Hong Kong, as the government did not kill any protesters, although the danger was certainly there for the duration of the occupations. Indeed, the political crackdowns on participants in the movement is only starting to happen now, four years later.

I was living in Vancouver in 2014, and I heard about a very interesting prayer meeting outside the Chinese Consulate organized by an ecumenical network of Christian groups to support the Umbrella Movement. When I arrived at the gathering, I learned that the ethnic Chinese Jesuit priest leading the prayers was Greek Catholic. The most memorable moment for many in the crowd, most of whom were not familiar with the Byzantine churches, was when they chanted, ‘Arise, O God, judge the earth, for to thee belong all the nations,’ which is from the Great and Holy Saturday service. We heard the priest announce that his parish was in Richmond and went by the name, Eastern Catholic Church. Most of us had not heard of this church. However, those of us who had Chinese Protestant backgrounds felt that we had established a connection with her because very few of our own churches wanted to support the Umbrella Movement openly. Some of those who came to the meeting were employed by those congregations and subsequently disciplined. From their disciplinary proceedings, we learned that the Protestant communities thought of the Umbrella Movement as too political and did not want to be seen as taking a side. Hindsight tells me now that they were playing precisely into the ‘uniate’ and ‘model minority’ logic with which I had been frustrated: they wanted to give the impression that they were politically neutral so as to maintain good relations with everyone, even the Beijing government.

But for those of us evangelicals who attended the prayer meeting and the solidarity protests, it was like our hearts had led us there, rather than our heads. At a retreat subsequently held at the Richmond temple where we discussed the spiritual dimensions of the Umbrella Movement, the ethnic Chinese Greek-Catholic Jesuit priest explained the practice of discernment of spirits to us. He said that there are two movements of the heart to which to pay attention, consolations, and desolations. Consolation usually entails a sense of the presence of God and his grace and is accompanied by the feeling that one is free. Desolation, on the other hand, tends to feel like God is absent and is usually accompanied by an attack of the evil spirit. In a political situation, the subjective feeling is usually oppressive, with the sense that one’s agency is being stripped by a power seeking to deprive the human person of their rightful freedom. The pro-democratic protests in Hong Kong manifested a complex mixture of consolation and desolation because the situation where Beijing is denying democracy to the people of Hong Kong through their local puppet government is an act of oppression, but the protests are also a sign of God working among the people to claim their freedom. The priest then made a comparison to how the occupiers on the Maidan faced down the oppression of the Putinist regime and its ‘Russian World’ ideology from Moscow with the consolation of a Revolution of Dignity.

Slowly, I began to attend the liturgies at this Greek Catholic temple, and I discovered through my own mystagogical reflection as well as through spiritual direction that identifying the consolations and desolations as movements of the heart requires a liturgical context to feel the mercy of God. Subjective experience is a valid approach to theology, this priest said to me, because the spiritual world’s objective reality can be felt by the person. The important thing is to acknowledge the feelings and sit with them. Entering the catechumenate at the end of 2015, I sit with the movements in my heart in both in my personal prayer and during my attendance at the liturgies. One very special moment for me was the prostrations that we practiced at the Great Canon of St Andrew of Crete prior to the fifth Sunday of the Great Fast. Not only did the reading of the life of St Mary of Egypt move me very deeply, but also my body began to prostrate and to perform the reverences automatically as if they were part of my muscle memory. These actions transcended the intentionality of my evangelicalism, overriding my mind so that the body was able to connect directly with the spiritual movements operating in my heart.

It was around the time of my reception by chrismation that I realized that I had gotten myself into a church where I could finally experience in full the feelings that I had not felt since I was a child in the Chinese church. I still remember trying to explain to some of my Asian American evangelical friends why I was becoming Greek Catholic. Some of them said that perhaps I liked the authority structure, while others mused that maybe it was helpful to my secular academic work to be disassociated from Protestantism. I found myself agreeing with all of these possibilities at an intellectual level, especially because the primary reason my catechumenate was shorter than most was due to the fact that I had been hired at Northwestern University to teach Asian American studies and needed to be able to attend liturgies in Chicago. However, the speculations of my evangelical friends revolved primarily around what my personal strategy could possibly be in joining this church. Struggling to convey to them what had been happening to my heart, I wrote many failed drafts of a paper trying to explain to them what was truly going on. Those who attended the chrismation service told me that they understood at a much deeper level what had happened, though. Instead of me explaining myself in vain, they reflected me that as I had come in on the epitrakhil of my spiritual father and made my prostration before the tetrapod, my face reflected the peacefulness of someone who had finally come home. One Chinese Protestant burst into tears when he saw that. He told me that he could tell that I was finally free. It was admittedly a very Chinese moment, as my biological father, an Anglican priest, read Psalm 66 in Cantonese when I processed in.

As I began teaching Asian American studies while undergoing my own mystagogy, I had a number of reflections on these feelings, many of which I tried to write out on my blog. Those writings, however, do not capture the struggle that I was undergoing in my career. I discovered in the process of teaching that I had been trained in a particular strand of Asian American studies, just as I had been brought into the Greek Catholic church by people with, particularly anti-colonial convictions. Like the Greek Catholic Church where some of our own people mistakenly think of themselves as uniates, more than a few Asian American scholars and students conceptualize the field as describing the assimilation of a population of Asian immigrants into American society. It was as if in my secular work I had not left the model minority confines of my Chinese Protestant upbringing, and it was in pondering the awkward position that I was in that I began to realize that uniatism and the model minority operate on the same logic. Both are about trying to fit into the institutional grids offered to them by colonizing apparatuses that discount their feelings, spiritual sensibilities, and approaches to everyday life as somehow insufficient. Both are about intentions and strategies of making themselves legible to those powers, instead of living their life with their own words and heart-based sense of integrity. What I faced in the academy was oddly similar to my experience of the church. It was as if we lived constantly with the oppressive sense that some other power had to give us permission to exist.

My teaching of Asian American studies focuses on the homes and societies that Asians whose worlds are colonized by American colonialism build with their own spiritual understandings of how the world really works, including how they organize social movements to fight for their own freedom. One of the insights that I began to focus on, drawn in part from my work on the Umbrella Movement, was the contrast between modern Western Christian presuppositions about the supernatural as a separate sphere from the natural order and how Asian literary traditions simply presume that spirits are part of the everyday world. I began to understand that attempts to discount the feelings wrought by that complex spiritual reality, be it through missionary activity or atheistic regimes of both capitalist and communist sorts, were forms of ideological colonization and that the attempt to articulate those supernatural sensibilities in ways that were intelligible to those dominant powers was precisely the kind of model minority uniatism that our discipline decries.

In fact, as I revisited the work of the Catholic theologian and patristics scholar Henri de Lubac SJ, I discovered that what Christian tradition means by le surnaturel is in fact closer to this Asian sensibility. Le surnaturel is about how grace always already infuses the created order, and while what the Holy Apostle Paul calls the elemental spirits also inhabit the world, they are brought into harmony by the God who fashioned the world as an icon reflecting his glory. If what it means to build a home is to tap into this spiritual mode of existence, then studying Asian American everyday lives is about describing the struggle to retain a sense of the integrity of this world as it is. They do not receive the authority for their lives to exist from an institution. This sensibility is similar to what Patriarch Sviatoslav said after the Bishop of Rome and the Patriarch of Moscow signed their 2016 Joint Declaration in Havana. It is nice that both Rome and Moscow acknowledge that we Greek Catholics have the right to exist, our Patriarch said, but the truth is that we need no one’s permission except for the Holy Spirit to be a church. Our task is to feel the spiritual world with our heart and sit with those feelings in prayer so that they can be given a chance to blossom through our work together as people in building a society of solidarity, like what we saw in the Umbrella Movement and on the Maidan.

Throwing myself into this mystagogical reflection, I discovered that these anti-colonial meditations emanating from my practice of Asian American studies had broad appeal beyond what is conventionally construed as Asian America. I am not the only Asian American member of the loose collective in Chicago that we facetiously call the Kyivan Psychoanalysis Study Group, a group of people mostly from our church that gets together regularly to muse about ways to continue the work of freedom to which the protests on the Maidan gave such focus, including by rolling back ideological colonization in our own lives. In Richmond, we not only regularly welcome a steady stream of Protestant inquirers, a number of whom are Asians, but just this year in 2018, we have also received six people into the Greek Catholic Church: one Japanese Canadian, two people from Japan, two people from Hong Kong, and one from mainland China. While they each entered the church for different reasons, they all spoke of encountering our liturgy as an experience of a deep feeling in their hearts that they felt compelled to explore more fully. As they did so, they discovered that those feelings of consolation were drawing them closer to God, leading them ultimately to reception into our church.

But like me, none of them has become an honorary ethnic Ukrainian. Instead, they too became more themselves. One of the persons from Japan observed that his reception into our church extended his theological reflections on how the Japanese nation-state has given up war as the means for imperial expansion and that his participation in the Greek Catholic Church gave him insight into how peace is the truest truth of the world as God made it. Becoming Greek Catholic, in other words, made him even more Japanese. In the same way, the woman from China that we received spoke at length about the exploration of the feelings of consolation that were at work in her heart. As I listened to her, my heart opened as I recognized in her the same senses that I had known since I was a child. I was very gandong, moved at the level of deep feeling. These movements of the heart are all that is needed in the building of our home together, which does not have to be explained in some other powerful institution’s words. Instead, my words and her words were enough because it was by sitting with the truth of our hearts that we came to meet the Lord and experience his mercy in this church.

 Conclusion

By attending to the heart and being at home in the Greek Catholic church, I came to realize how conversion away from model minority uniatism works. Ideological colonization is not defeated by intentions or by being legible. It is slowly undermined by attending to the objective spiritual reality of the supernatural, with its crowded arena of spirits brought into subjection by the God who made them and who shows himself to us as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. This Christian task is also an Asian American one because it commits us to hear the words that Asians around the world are living at the level of the heart beneath the ideological apparatuses of national empires and reductionist systems of theology signified by the word America. When such people like myself and my sisters and brothers are received into the Greek Catholic church, it amplifies and intensifies that sense of the heart against any power that tries to colonize it.

Formed by the spiritual sensibilities that I use in my teaching and scholarship in Asian American studies, it is my heart that tells me that the Greek Catholic Church is not uniate. Greek Catholicism is composed of a people who have endured centuries of oppressive colonization and yet still manage to offer praises to the merciful Lord in their own words that describe the spiritual realities with which they have been sitting. Indeed, the way that Greek Catholics and Asian Americans alike resist the colonialism of ideology is not by advancing arguments about the validity of our existence. It is by living in ways that are attentive to movements in the heart and its sense of home. I have called this sensing of the movement of the spirits the Chineseness of my childhood. I have experienced it in the Greek Catholic Church. Its anti-colonial propensities are Asian American. But the truth is that in whatever particular way it is encountered, it is universal, giving the lie to the ideologies of uniatism and the model minority that we need to somehow become more universally legible in an institutional way. No. All we must do, as the hesychasts say, is to take our intellects into the stillness of our heart, for it is there that the Lord finds us and makes us more fully ourselves in the way that he made us. Only in this way can we say that it is no one but the Holy Spirit who gives us permission to exist.

[1] This is my decidedly wooden and awkward translation of a sentence that can simply be rendered, The beauty of your gaze takes my heartbeat away. I insist in this case on keeping the rendering awkwardly literal to demonstrate that Chinese is a language that, through just a few words, can paint better word pictures than any European language of which I know.

Phyletism in the Catholic Church: How Great is the Great Commission?

Pascal Bastien

In the Byzantine tradition, the myriad readings of the Paschal vigil culminate with these words from Our Lord: “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you” (Matthew 28:19-20). At Divine Liturgy, on the morning of Pascha, following a widespread custom evocative of Pentecost and transcending human boundaries, the prologue of the Gospel of John is proclaimed in a multitude of languages. The Resurrection and the Great Commission, the liturgy teaches us, are intrinsically tied. The Church is missionary by her very nature [1].

The Ukrainian Greco-Catholic Church (UGCC) is one of 24 particular Churches which, in the words of Lumen Gentium, [2] offer together “splendid evidence of the catholicity of the undivided Church” and “must carry out (the solemn mandate of Matthew 28) to the ends of the earth.” The UGCC is in fact the second-largest Church sui iuris after the Latin Church, and hence the largest Eastern Catholic Church. Like all Eastern Churches, it is permeated by a strong cultural heritage: it bears the beautiful marks of Kyivan-Rus, transformed by the Christian Faith, in a process known as inculturation. Everywhere the Gospel was preached to new peoples, from apostolic times, it was inculturated. Already in the Book of Acts, we are given the example of St Paul’s heed of the Athenian Unknown God and of the writings of the Stoic philosophers (Acts 17:23-28). There is a place for a genuine cultural or ethnic distinctiveness even within the Church, insofar as it serves the Gospel. The Eastern Churches, rooted in a specific history often replete with martyrdom, exemplify ethno-cultural specificity and cherish particular traditions of theology, liturgy, spirituality and canon law [3].

The purpose of this inculturation is manifold – but as it is abundantly clear in Redemptoris Missio [4] – its main focus is to facilitate the Church’s missionary role. It is thus of significant concern when inculturation, good in and of itself, turns into an excuse to dampen missionary spirit. It may even cause one to ask whether the Church can fall prey to phyletism, a distorted vision according to which a particular Church’s mission is concerned “with the destiny of a single nation or a single race” [5] and not the whole world.

The term phyletism was coined as a heresy at the pan-Orthodox Synod of Constantinople in 1872 and targets a central problem of modern Orthodoxy, in both historically Orthodox lands and the New World. The true nature of the climactic events that have unfolded this month between the Patriarchates of Moscow and Constantinople is unequivocal.

Catholics may feel they are immune to this error. Indeed, in one sense, the Catholic Church can be esteemed as a “community broader than the largest nation-state, more pluralistic than any culture in the world”. Ultimately, this is true because we Christians belong to the “new humanity” wherein, through baptism, we are “members of the household of God … Christ himself being the cornerstone.” (Ephesians 2:11-22)

The full ramifications of this teaching are difficult to fathom. Furthermore, they are difficult to accept for those who adhere to a certain ethnic exclusivism, not uncommon among persecuted peoples, and not uncommon among persecuted Ukrainians. What cannot be forgotten in the midst of ethno-political turmoil is that the “Ukrainian Catholic Church” can never mean the “Catholic Church for Ukrainians” – for if it were truly “for Ukrainians”, it would have had to abandon the Great Commission and cease to be a Church at all, a fortiori Catholic.

This misconception does not simply affect the descendants of Sts Volodymyr and Olha. The Annuario Pontificio, an annual directory published by the Holy See which lists all the Catholic dioceses and bishops of the world, contains the name of the recently created UGCC eparchy in France: Eparchia Sancti Vladimiri Magni in urbe Parisiensi pro Ucrainis ritus Byzantini – “Eparchy of Saint Vladimir the Great in the City of Paris for the Ukrainians of Byzantine Rite”. Two words in that name – pro Ucrainis – are especially problematic and destructive to the missionary spirit. Such a name restricts the mission of the UGCC in France by implying the people of all nations living on French soil are not to be served and evangelized, but only those of Ukrainian nationality. Such a name impedes the ability of the UGCC in France to transmit the faith to children in particular – because with their integration into French society, children will disengage from a Church meant only for Ukrainians. Such a name caters to those in leadership who do not wish to push themselves beyond their cultural or linguistic comfort zone. More fundamentally, such a name in the directory satisfies those for whom “the blood of tribalism (runs) deeper than the water of baptism” [6].

One would expect an internal consistency within the Catholic Church in the naming of dioceses and eparchies, but instead, Latin dioceses within the traditional territory of the UGCC, such as the Archdiocese of Lviv, are not defined as “pro Latinis” but “Latinorum”. The use of the genitive here is meant to indicate which Church sui iuris the diocese belongs to, but rightly refrains from curtailing its reach and missionary activity.

In his letter to Major-Archbishop Sviatoslav Shevchuk on the occasion of the funeral of his predecessor Lubomyr Cardinal Husar, Pope Francis made numerous references to ethnicity. He ended with the words “Upon all of you, beloved Ukrainians, in the country and in the diaspora, I invoke abundant heavenly blessings” [7]. Can this be the language of the Church? Can the faithful of the Church of Kyiv be referred to as “beloved Ukrainians”? By borrowing, within the Church, the secular notion of ‘diaspora’, is it not implied that the Eastern Catholic faithful are not at home outside the borders of their spiritual forefathers and do not make up the ‘local Church’, capable of ministry wherever they find themselves[8]. These words, well intended though they may be, isolate Eastern Catholics into an ethnic ghetto.

The time has come for a clear Catholic condemnation of phyletism, which conflates Church and nation. This would include, of course, a correction of the Annuario Pontificio, but more importantly should be accompanied by a renewed awareness of the central place of Evangelization in Christian life for clergy and for laity. Our sense of Christian identity should be restored in light of Holy Scripture. The Epistle to the Ephesians and with it the Epistle to Diognetus [9] are abundantly clear: “Christians are distinguished from other men neither by country, nor language, nor the customs which they observe (…). Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and every land of their birth as a land of strangers.”

If we make ours the hopes of Orientalium Ecclesiarum, “that (the Eastern Churches) may flourish and with new apostolic vigour execute the task entrusted to them” then we will rejoice at these words of His Beatitude Sviatoslav, primate of the UGCC: “The Ukrainian Greco-Catholic Church is not a Church made up solely of ethnic Ukrainians (…). It is a Church that comes from the Ukrainian people, but it is a Church that is for the entire human race” [10]. It is my prayer that this same message can resound loudly from the Holy See, from our bishops throughout the world, from all our ordained ministers, and ultimately become a living reality for all the faithful.

* * *

Pascal Bastien is a specialist physician in North York and a lecturer at the University of Toronto. He is married, with two young children. He is a layman and belongs to the UGCC.

[1] Decree Ad Gentes on the Mission Activity of the Church, par. 2, Council Fathers, 1965.

[2] Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium, par. 17 and par. 23, Pope Paul VI and Council Fathers, 1964.

[3] These four categories are listed in three Vatican II documents as constitutive of a particular church. See Lumen Gentium, par. 23; Unitatis redingratio, par. 17; and Orientalium ecclesiarum, par. 3.

[4] Encyclical Redemptoris Missio, par. 52, St John Paul II, 1990.

[5] Course of Canon Law — Appendix VI — canonical glossary. Grigorios Papathomas, 1995.

[6] Thinking Theologically about Identity and Allegiances: Parables of a “New We”, Beyond the Borders of Baptism: Catholicity, Allegiances, and Lived Identities, E Katongole, 2016.

[7] Condolences Upon the Death of Major Archbishop of Kyiv-Halyč, Pope Francis, 2017.

[8] Liturgy in the Life of the Eastern Catholic Churches: Theory and Practice in Europe and North America, Louvain Centre for Eastern and Oriental Christianity, D Galadza, 2016.

[9] The Epistle of Mathetes to Diognetus, chapter 5.

[10] Speech of His Beatitude Sviatoslav at the Institute Metropolitan Andrey (Sheptytskyi) (Canada, Toronto, May 2, 2014)

The Intelligentsia and the Church

Andrew Sorokowski

Is a Catholic intelligentsia possible in Ukraine? What could be done to help create one?

Before we try to answer these questions, we must define our terms. Readers of this journal do not need to be reminded of the definitions of the term “Catholic.” But who are the intelligentsia? Though of Latin origin, the term is modern, and originated in Russia. The word интеллигенция, which gained currency in the 1860s and 1870s, was defined in Dal’ as “разумная, образованная, умствено развитая часть жителей” (Владимір Даль, Толковый словарь живаго великорускаго языка, том 2, С.-Петербургъ-Москва,  1881, передрук Москва, 1979). However, it “came to be associated with a critical approach to the world and a protest against the existing Russian order” (Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, A History of Russia, 2nd ed., New York, 1969, pp. 423-24). In other words, it designated both a group and an attitude. In the Soviet period, however, the Ukrainian word інтелігенція was defined broadly and neutrally as «люди розумової праці, що мають спеціальні знання з різних галузей науки, техніки й культури». There was thus little distinction between “інтелігент,” a member of the intelligentsia, and “інтелектуаліст” – «людина розумової праці». (Академія наук Української РСР, Словник української мови, Київ 1973). The English word “intelligentsia” comes from the Russian, and means “intellectuals who form an artistic, social, or political vanguard or elite.” “Intellectual,” in turn, is defined as a person “given to study, reflection, and speculation” or “engaged in activity requiring the creative use of the intellect.” (Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, 1965).

Current use of the term “intelligentsia” seems to vacillate between a broad definition that would include professionals such as physicians and engineers, and a narrow one that would be limited to artists, writers, scholars, philosophers, and political thinkers. Whether current definitions include the clergy is uncertain, though theologians surely qualify. While the term has lost the socio-political connotation it had at its origins, it does retain the notion of a distinct social group. 

In view of the term’s history, it hardly makes sense to speak of a pre-modern intelligentsia. In the middle ages, what we call the intelligentsia was mostly clerical. Its Christian outlook presupposed the unity of the sciences, which was reflected in the university. As its name implies, this institution, as developed in the high middle ages, taught the “universe” of knowledge. Just as the universe was understood as a system of interrelated parts created by God, so the university conceived of, and taught, knowledge as a system of interrelated disciplines, with theology and philosophy at the center (see generally Alasdair MacIntyre, God, Philosophy, Universities: A Selective History of the Catholic Philosophical Tradition, Lanham, MD, 2009).

With the Protestant Reformation, the “Scientific Revolution,” and the “Enlightenment” came a gradual separation of natural science from religion. To a considerable extent, the Catholic Church dropped out of (or was excluded from) European philosophy, and even intellectual life, between 1700 and 1850 (see MacIntyre,op. cit., 135-36). As European and American universities became secularized during the nineteenth century, Catholics often found themselves outside of, and opposed to, cultural and intellectual trends. True, romanticism, as a reaction to Enlightenment rationalism and a revival of sympathetic interest in the middle ages, in some ways favored religion. But trends like positivism, nihilism, naturalism, and materialism worked against it. None of this, of course, had much effect on the masses, which generally remained Catholic or Protestant. That would only change in the following century.

Thus, the “long nineteenth century” (1789-1914) saw the rise of a Russian and a western European intelligentsia in many ways at odds with Christian thinking, even if some of its members remained formally members of their respective churches. At the same time, the possibility of a Christian intelligentsia naturally arose. The Oxford Movement that sprang up around John Henry Newman, who later converted to Catholicism, is one example of an active group of Christian intellectuals. But for the most part, it was only the occasional artist who expressed a Christian sensibility contrasting with the temper of the times — in the land of dejected skeptics such as Thomas Hardy (Гарді) and Matthew Arnold, the English Jesuit Gerard Manley Hopkins (Гопкинс) and the troubled poet Francis Thompson; in the fatherland of Karl Marx and Friedrich Nietzsche, the dramatist-musician Richard Wagner; in the anti-clerical France of Auguste Comte and Guy de Maupassant, François-René de Chateaubriand, Paul Verlaine, and Charles Péguy [Пег’і]; in Orthodox Russia, novelists Lev Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoevsky and poet-philosopher Vladimir Soloviev.

In the twentieth century, this dialectic between Christian and secularizing intellectuals continued, though the latter prevailed. Indeed, with the rise of mass communication and mass politics, the secularization of the intelligentsia began to penetrate the masses. Important (at least according to the present-day canon) and influential thinkers like Sigmund Freud (Фройд), Bertrand Russell, and Jean-Paul Sartre, artists like Pablo Picasso, film directors like Luis Buñuel, and novelists from Anatole France (Nobel Prize, 1921) to José Saramago (Nobel Prize, 1998) openly rejected Christianity or religion altogether. Only here and there, now and then, did networks of like-minded thinkers coalesce into clusters of Catholic or other Christian intelligentsia. In the two decades before the revolution, Russian intellectuals experienced a spiritual awakening that sought radical reform in both Church and State. Despite the Bolshevik coup, a constellation of Orthodox thinkers, most of whom emigrated, revived theology as well as philosophical, socio-political, and cultural thought. As a counterpoint to England’s more celebrated Bloomsbury group, the Catholic writers G.K. Chesterton, Hilaire (Гилер) Belloc, and somewhat later J.R.R. Tolkien, as well as Anglicans T.S. Eliot and C.S. Lewis, gave a new impulse to English Christianity, while Christopher Dawson forged a Catholic understanding of history. In secular France, a Catholic intelligentsia developed between the world wars, including theologian Jacques Maritain and the Jewish converts Raisa Maritain, Edith Stein, and Max Jacob. Catholic novelists Georges Bernanos and François Mauriac joined composers Francis Poulenc and Olivier Messiaen.

In the years after World War II, such clusters of Catholic intellectuals practically died out, while celebrity-scientists like Carl Sagan and Stephen Hawking (Гокінг’) and popular writers like Christopher Hitchens helped make agnosticism, if not atheism, socially acceptable. Only isolated figures, like American novelists Flannery O’Connor and Walker Percy, British novelist Graham Greene, the reclusive French poet Pierre Reverdy, and British philosophers Peter Geach and his wife Elizabeth Anscombe (both converts), represented the Catholic tradition. In the irreligious and politically leftist world of art, the somewhat erratic Catholicism of surrealist Salvador Dalí and Rusyn-American Andy Warhol was exceptional. Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union a small Russian Orthodox intelligentsia did form around such dissident intellectuals as Alexander Ogorodnikov, Fr. Gleb Yakunin, and Fr. Alexander Men’, while Alexander Solzhenitsyn remained influential after his exile to America.

In the 1840s in Russian-ruled Ukraine, an Orthodox Christian native intelligentsia formed around Taras Shevchenko (even if his chief poetic concerns were ethno-social), Panteleimon Kulish, and other members of the Society of SS. Cyril and Methodius. But later, Mykhailo Drahomanov, and Ivan Franko in Austrian-ruled western Ukraine, imported Western European positivism along with socialism, steering the Ukrainian intelligentsia onto a secularizing path. Even after the demise of the Soviet experiment, Ukraine’s intelligentsia has remained mostly secular. This is so despite the survival of a Christian sensibility among some western Ukrainian intellectuals during the inter-war period (notably the poet Bohdan Ihor Antonych), in the postwar diaspora (the poet Vasyl Barka) and, after 1991, in such scattered ex-dissident intellectuals as Yevhen Sverstiuk, Ihor Kalynets, and Myroslav Marynovych. Moreover, the prioritizing of political independence over other considerations – now intensified by the Russian invasion — has tended to eclipse, or appropriate, religious themes. While western Ukrainian intellectuals are generally friendly toward their Church, in central and eastern Ukraine the experience of a Russian Orthodox Church hostile to the national movement has left a lasting distance between intelligentsia and church. This distance appears to be reinforced by secularizing Western influences.

Today, with the virtual disappearance of a Christian intelligentsia in the Euro-Atlantic West and its failure to materialize in Ukraine, can there be any prospects for such a phenomenon in the latter country? There is no point in guessing. If Ukraine is to have a Christian culture, it must have a Christian intelligentsia. What can be done to promote one? I propose three paths.

First, communication through the internet, including social media, has already created networks of conscious and committed Catholics. These can be diversified so as to separate serious intellectual exchange from merely social applications, and expanded to promote contact with Orthodox intellectuals willing to enter into dialogue with Catholics who share their Kyivan-Byzantine heritage.

Second, a Catholic university can provide a focal point for the development of a Catholic intelligentsia. Unfortunately, Western universities do not offer an adequate model. As Alasdair MacIntyre has observed, today’s secular research university is focused on preparation for specialization and professional training, not on education in the true sense. Financially vulnerable and dependent on wealthy donors, it is subject to corporate influence on its academic program. Whereas the late medieval university reflected a philosophical and theological vision of a unified universe (universum), the modern secular research university reflects the lack of such a vision, or a fragmented vision. Thus, subjects and disciplines are not seen as related to each other and forming a harmonious and coherent whole. Philosophy and theology, which should be at the center of the curriculum, are marginalized or eliminated altogether. Thus, a student leaves such an institution with nothing resembling a Christian understanding of the world. A Catholic university (indeed, any true university) would have to be very different. Yet most Catholic universities in the United States mimic the secular research university. (MacIntyre 175, 179). Only here and there, in scattered institutes or small colleges, is anything like a Catholic education to be found. What Ukraine needs, then, is not poor imitations of Harvard, Yale, or Princeton with religious coloring, but true universities which – whether or not they call themselves Catholic or Orthodox – can educate a Christian intelligentsia.

The third path is through publications, both print and electronic. Historically, journals offering social, cultural, political, and economic criticism from a Christian viewpoint, sometimes combined with philosophical and theological discussion, have served as gathering points for Catholic and other intellectuals. T.S. Eliot’s interwar Criterion, while not formally religious, succeeded in promoting traditional Christian thought and culture. The Russian émigré journal «Путь», published in Paris in the same period, did the same for Orthodoxy. More recent Catholic examples are the Polish Znak and Więź, the British Tablet, and the American First Things and Image. The journal in which this article appears could certainly play such a role in Ukraine. By connecting thinkers, writers and readers with each other, such journals create a community, which with time can develop into an intelligentsia.

This article represents the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the editors of “Patriyarkhat”

Will the Revolution of Dignity apply to women?

Alexander Kuzma

Several years ago, the Ukrainian National Women’s League of America helped launch an innovative program in Women’s Studies at the Ukrainian Catholic University.  Under the capable leadership of Dr. Halyna Tesliuk, this seminar has become quite popular with both men and women at UCU.

When the program was first launched, it sparked a wave of debate and controversy.  Even within some circles of the UNWLA, there were those who questioned the need for women’s studies, suggesting that women’s rights were well established and protected in Ukraine.  Others suggested that a Catholic University was not an appropriate place to delve into these issues and that this course of studies would put UCU on a slippery slope to “secularism” and erosion of Catholic moral teaching. 

Both in Ukraine and the diaspora, societal attitudes towards women and women’s status can be complicated and deeply conflicted.  Even in progressive institutions like UNWLA and UCU, and certainly within the traditional framework of the Catholic Church, the status of women seems to touch a raw nerve. Why?  This in itself is a subject worthy of deeper study and exploration.

Even in pre-Christian times, it seems that Ukrainians had always held a special reverence for women.  Embedded deep in our agrarian culture, Ukrainians were raised with a deep reverence for the Earth, embodied in the image of the “Berehynia” – the feminine image of a Protectress that brings forth the fertility of the land.  After Ukraine’s conversion to Christianity, the “Berehynia” was replaced by Ukrainians’ veneration of the Blessed Virgin Mary – the Oranta that watches over our land, and guards against foreign invaders.  Deep in our collective subconscious, there is the miracle of Pochaiv, where the Birth-giver of Christ appeared in the heavens and turned back the arrows and bullets of the Tatars and Turks laying siege to the Monastery.  

Throughout the centuries – even as Ukraine embraced a more secular culture, there has been no lack of heroic role models for our daughters to emulate: Saint Olha, Princess Anna Yaroslavna, Roksolana, Lesia Ukrainka, Olha Basarab, Alla Horska, Lina Kostenko, Sister Josaphata, and a whole generation of modern dissidents, human rights activists and martyrs. 

Iconic women of high ideals and principle have played a huge role in every progressive movement in Ukraine.  Our Russian neighbors to the north have seldom if ever had women of this stature to shape national paradigms or attitudes towards women.  To be sure, there have been heroic women like Anna Politkovskaya and Elena Bonner that defied tyranny and deserve our deepest respect.  But the most prominent female leader in Russian history was arguably Empress Catherine (historians often call her “the Great”, though Ukrainians would beg to differ).  Catherine, who began her career as an imported German courtesan, left her mark on history as a perpetrator of ethnic cleansing, mass deportations of Ukrainians and Tatars, brutal crushing of peasant uprisings and moral degeneracy.  Her greatest contribution to Russian culture was arguably the Potemkin Village – a technique for deceiving foreign visitors into believing that Russian and Ukrainian serfs were living in less misery than a practiced eye might see.  This too has shaped Russians’ national consciousness and Putin’s worldview that exalts imperialism, deceit, and treachery. 

Ukraine’s most venerated women have provided a completely different ethos, as poets, prophets, critical thinkers and democratic visionaries.  As opposed to a nurturing and idealistic paradigm, the Soviets promoted far less inspiring figures like the assassin Vera Zasulych or Red Army snipers – women that rivaled their male counterparts as effective killers, informants, and spies.

It would be easy for us Ukrainians to pat ourselves on the back for promoting a much healthier vision of women as virtuous coequals to our national male heroes. 

Unfortunately, there is a disturbing underbelly to this lofty self-image. 

In many ways, Ukraine has become a land of disturbing contradictions.  It could easily qualify as a Tale of Two Cities.  On the one hand, Kyiv is one of the holiest cities in all Christendom.  We have more than our fair share of cities and towns that became the site of martyrdom and Christian witness: Pochaiv, Zarvanytsia, Stradch, etc.  And Ukraine is teeming with churches and monasteries that have inspired Ukrainian men and women through the centuries.

On the other hand, Ukraine has also become a den of iniquity where the remnants of the Soviet era and the go-go decadent culture of the 1990s have created a climate where women have become degraded and objectified as sex objects.  Ukraine has imported the worst of decadent Western culture, and at the other end of the spectrum, some Ukrainian leaders, notably oligarchs and clerics of the Moscow Patriarchate have embraced a very oppressive, patriarchal attitude toward women.

At its worst, post-Soviet culture offers women two equally degrading paradigms: either the porn queen or the subservient, frumpy housewife.   In America, we also suffer from resurgent and militant sexism personified by the now infamous “Access Hollywood” tape that laid bare a brutish and primitive attitude toward women that has permeated certain sectors of our celebrity culture, our media, and our power elites.

After the invasion of Ukrainian territory by Russian forces in 2014, the country’s attention has been turned to national defense, and there has been very little attention devoted to issues of domestic violence, sexual harassment, and human trafficking, among other threats facing women.  As much as these are issues that are rarely discussed in polite company, and even more rarely addressed from the pulpit, the fact is that Ukraine is hardly immune to these problems. 

Not long ago, a group of young nuns in a small newly established community near Ivano-Frankivsk were awakened after midnight with the sound of furious pounding on the door to their convent.  Unarmed and vulnerable, they were reluctant to let in the intruder.  But when they opened the door, they found a little girl begging for shelter as her parents; both alcoholics had been abusing her and her siblings.  A few nights later, they have awoken again – this time by a teenage girl asking for refuge.  The girl had been living in a nearby orphanage, but when she became pregnant, the staff at the orphanage insisted that she either have an abortion or be forced to leave. Gradually, the nuns decided to open a women’s shelter and an orphanage that could accommodate a much larger group of such women and children at risk.

The abuse or exploitation of women is among the most intractable problems facing Ukraine today.  It is deeply embedded in our male-dominated culture, and it has had a deeply corrosive impact on our families and communities, both in Ukraine and in our diaspora.   Violence against women is a fundamental issue that undermines Ukraine’s ability to establish a just and humane society.

For too long, the Ukrainian Catholic, Orthodox, and Pentecostal Churches as well as secular leaders have treated the problems of domestic violence, slave trafficking, and sexual exploitation as a strictly private matter to be resolved within the family, without public commentary or intervention.  In fact, our churches could (and should!) play an important role in delegitimizing and condemning the abuse of women, and offering protection for women at risk.    These are widespread societal problems that require much more open discussion, deeper analysis, cultural sensitivity and an overhaul of public policy.  These issues need to be addressed as urgently as any other issue facing Ukraine, and they lie at the heart of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, and its struggle for basic human rights.

Even a superficial knowledge of Ukrainian culture offers disturbing hints about the pervasiveness of domestic violence as a fact of life in too many of our families.  There is a well-known Ukrainian folk song that many of us first learned around the campfire in PLAST or SUMA camps.  It is a song about a red rose and a drunken husband who beats his wife. 

Roughly translated, the text reads:

 

            “I had a husband who was a drunkard.

            He does nothing but drinks; he comes home and beats his wife.

            Don’t beat me, husband, don’t punish me.

            Or I will leave you and the children and flee across the Danube.”

 

Without the usual poetic adornments of meter and rhyme, the reality this song describes is much more brutal in English translation than in the original.  It ought to give us pause.

 

If such songs remain popular in Ukrainian culture, it is worth asking ourselves: how prevalent is the problem of domestic violence in Ukraine?  How widespread is sexual harassment in the workplace?  According to the latest crime statistics in the United States, one out of every four women in this country will be sexually assaulted at some point in her life.  One out of ten will be raped.  Are the rates any less appalling in Ukraine?

 

The Ukrainian National Women’s League of America (UNWLA) had the foresight and the courage to establish a lectureship in Women’s Studies at the Ukrainian Catholic University, so that young, ethically minded Ukrainians could study these issues in the context of Catholic moral teachings.  Unfortunately, very little energy or attention has been devoted to the problems facing women and girls in Ukraine.

 

During the Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014, women stood side-by-side with men.  They braved the same sub-zero temperatures and showed the same kind of courage and fortitude in confronting the brutality of riot police, Berkut, “titushky” and snipers.  The swollen face of investigative journalist Tetiana Chornovol after she was severely beaten by Yanukovich’s thugs became a rallying cry and a terrifying icon for the Revolution. 

 

Yet nearly four years after Yanukovich was ousted, it’s unclear how much the dignity of women has been enhanced by the Revolution of Dignity.  Sociological research is lacking to determine whether the status of women has improved or diminished.

 

What we do know is this:

 

The humiliation, exploitation, and abuse of women have become an international crisis and a global epidemic.  In many developing countries, perpetrators of violence against women enjoy protection from organized crime syndicates and impunity from judicial systems.  Most abuse goes unreported.  Ukraine is not immune from these abuses.  Many social scientists and advocacy groups have reported that Ukraine remains one of the epicenters of the human trafficking and forced prostitution industry.  And the judicial system does little to prosecute those guilty of rape or domestic abuse.

 

How should Ukrainians address these issues?

 

It comes down to some very basic questions:  In any civilized society, can women be treated as second-class citizens?  Should they be subjected to sexual harassment – either in the workplace or any place, for that matter?  Will the abuse of girls and women be tolerated?  Not only physical abuse but verbal and emotional abuse as well?  Will men be expected to show respect to women?  Or will Ukraine tolerate a society where “locker room talk” and lewdness becomes not only acceptable but pervasive?

 

Ukrainians must find their way.  Sadly, the United States is no longer (if it ever was) a role model for the dignified treatment of women. 

 

Although reformers in the United States have tried to combat sexual oppression, and offer protection for victims of domestic violence, recent trends have not been encouraging.  Over the past year, the news has been filled with a sickening stream of disclosures about powerful men in government and media (Roger Ailes, Bill O’Reilly, Bill Cosby, Harvey Weinstein, Donald Trump, Anthony Weiner, Roy Moore, Al Franken, Matt Lauer, John Conyers, ad nauseum) that would make any decent person conclude that sexual harassment is shockingly commonplace. But sexual predators and abusers have also had more than their fair share of defenders and apologists.  As much as the #Me Too movement has mobilized many women and men to denounce such lewd behavior, outrageously rude and insulting comments about women were a mainstay during the last Presidential election, and many Americans worry that attitudes towards women are being driven back to the Stone Age while grotesquely primitive, Neanderthal values are on the rise. 

 

In Russia, the brutish culture of male domination fostered by oligarchs and the Russian Mob has fostered contemptuous attitudes towards women.  To make matters even worse, the Russian Duma passed a new set of laws that decriminalize domestic violence as long as it does note rise to the level of outright murder.

 

Some might argue that in a time of war, Ukraine should concentrate its efforts on defeating the separatists, while social reforms and issues of women’s equality should be relegated to the back burner.  But protecting and defending the status of women lies at the very core of Ukraine’s aspirations to be part of civilized society, to stand on the right side of what President Poroshenko has rightly called “the struggle between civilization and barbarism.”  It is integral to Ukrainians’ aspirations to create a truly democratic and just society, based on dignity and human rights.

 

If anything, the frozen war between Ukraine and Russia and its proxies has heightened and exacerbated the dangers facing women in Ukraine.  We know from the experience of the Vietnam War and more recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan that veterans suffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder can inflict terrible suffering on those closest to them – their wives, sweethearts, and children.  This crisis is already surfacing after three years of war in Ukraine.  A Newsweek report in 2015 found that the crisis in Ukraine has led to a spike in domestic violence. And reports of rape in the combat zone are widespread. 

 

Even before the war broke out, the Donbas had a reputation for rampant criminal activity.  The brutal abuse of women was not only commonplace but a standard practice in gang culture.  In his searing expose on the underworld of Russian culture, “Nothing is true, and everything is possible”, British journalist Peter Pomerantsev describes how kidnapping and gang rape of rivals’ girlfriends was a way of life – a way of establishing dominance between gangs in the Donbas.

 

Since the war broke out in 2014, it is safe to guess that things have only gotten worse.  Rape was standard practice in the Soviet Army during World War II.  In her book “Ivan’s War: Life and Death in the Red Army 1939-1945”, Catherine Merridale describes how sexual violence was indiscriminate and rampant, both during and after the war.  Russian soldiers believed they were entitled to have their way with women living in conquered territories.  Given the current culture in Russia, it is highly unlikely that the separatists of Luhansk and Donetsk are demonstrating any more restraint or discipline.  Misogyny and respect for brute force lie at the very heart of the subculture that dominates the territories occupied by the Russians and their proxies.

 

The spiritual values of the Maidan Revolution run directly counter to Putin’s vision of re-conquering eastern and southern Ukraine to establish a mythical state of “Novorossiya” – an enclave of a newly invigorated Russian Empire where brute force and primitive machismo reign supreme.  This too is part of a cultural war in which the role and status of women will be crucial.

 

What is most disturbing is that the Russian Orthodox Church has completely embraced Putin’s cult of personality and his depraved vision.  It has become a willing handmaiden in his campaign to reinstate the tyranny of the Russian Empire where “traditional values”, toxic machismo, violence, and human rights abuses are not only accepted but glorified. 

 

The war in the east offers a unique opportunity for the Ukrainian Catholic Church and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, as well as Baptist, Mormon and other denominations to repudiate the Putin agenda, not only as it relates to geopolitics, but the most intimate relationships between men and women.  The problem of domestic violence, human trafficking, and sexual harassment are issues that need to be addressed boldly and forthrightly.  Priests and lay leaders need to raise these issues from the pulpit, but also in pre-marital counseling, post-war rehabilitation services, and in public discussions of ethics and human rights.

 

When UCU introduced its program of Women’s Studies a few years ago, this evoked dismay from some reactionaries who saw this as a departure from Biblical orthodoxy, but conscientious Christians do not have to stray at all from Scripture or Church teaching to uphold the dignity of women.

 

In many passages of the New Testament, we find ample evidence of Christ’s respect for women and His condemnation of those who might abuse them.  In the deeply sexist and oppressive society of Roman-occupied Judea where women had virtually no rights and could not even raise their voices in male company, Jesus raises the status of women, praises their courage, the strength of their faith and moral virtues, and raises the eyebrows of hypocrites and traditionalists who sought to keep women in a place of subservience and inferiority.

 

There is the classic passage when the sisters of Lazarus – Mary and Martha are hosting Jesus.  Martha complains that Mary is spending too much time, listening to Jesus’s teachings in the living room, instead of helping her in the kitchen: “Lord, do you not care that my sister has left me by myself to do the serving?  Tell her to help me.”    Jesus gently rebukes her, saying “Martha, Martha, you are anxious and worried about many things.  There is need of only one thing.  Mary has chosen the better part, and it will not be taken from her.”  (Luke 10:40-42)  (Catholic Edition of the New Testament:  edited by Archbishop James Hickey et al.  1986)

 

Some Church leaders were shocked when UCU became the first institution in Ukrainian history to grant degrees in theology to women as if this were the exclusive province of priests and male students.  The episode with Mary and Martha makes it clear that UCU stood on the solid theological ground in breaking with the norm.

 

There are many more passages where Jesus scandalizes the Pharisees and Scribes by fraternizing with outcasts and women that were treated as second-class citizens in Jewish society.  His repudiation of violence against women is made clear in the Gospel of Matthew when he refuses to condone the stoning of a woman allegedly caught in adultery.  But in many other ways – both subtle and dramatic, Jesus breaks the stranglehold by which men in ancient Israel felt justified in keeping women “in their place”. 

 

He breaks the ancient taboo when he speaks respectfully with the Samaritan woman at the well of Jacob, even though he knows that she was a sinner. 

 

In the Gospel of Matthew: (Mt: 15,22-28), there is a very disturbing episode where His Apostles plead with him to chase away an annoying Canaanite woman who pleads with him to cure her daughter who is tormented by a demon.  At first, Jesus rejects the woman, saying that “I was sent only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.”  When the woman persists in her pleading, Jesus makes a shocking statement, seemingly insulting the woman and echoing what seems to be the bigotry of the Israelites against the Canaanites:  “It is not right to take the food of the children and throw it to the dogs.”  The woman’s reply is as humbling and bitter as it is challenging, even insolent, “Please, Lord, even the dogs eat the scraps that fall from the table of their masters.”  Jesus then praises her faith and grants her wish. 

 

The Gospels do not shy away from even the most unpleasant or embarrassing issues affecting women:

 

There was a woman afflicted with hemorrhages for twelve years.  She had suffered greatly at the hands of many doctors and had spent all that she had.  (Mark 5:25-34)

She dares to touch Jesus’s garment to draw from His healing powers:

 

Jesus, aware at once that power had gone out from him, turned around in the crowd and asked, “Who has touched my clothes?” …The woman, realizing what had happened to her, approached in fear and trembling.  She fell before Jesus and told him the whole truth.  He said to her: “Daughter, your faith has saved you.  Go in peace and be cured of your affliction.”

 

Jesus’ sensitivity and respect for the woman’s plight stands in stark contrast with the deplorable conduct of our current President who went out of his way to scoff and humiliate a journalist (Megyn Kelly) who challenged him on his frequent insulting comments about women. Instead of apologizing for such comments, Mr. Trump went on an incoherent tirade, ranting about her “bleeding from everywhere”.  Trump’s contempt for a woman’s body and bodily functions went from bad to worse when Trump tried to humiliate his rival Carly Fiorina for her appearance.   

 

At the end of his earthly mission, after all, but one of his apostles had fled in fear, it was a small group of women that found the courage to stand at the foot of the Cross, and it was the myrrh-bearing women that defied the power of the Roman Empire to come to Jesus’ grave to pay homage and to witness His Resurrection. 

 

Rather than shunning the issues facing Ukrainian women, our Ukrainian churches should take them on with courage and pastoral humility.  Our Church leaders and lay activists should not be intimidated by reactionaries – either in the Russian Orthodox Church or in the West who raise false alarms (or ridiculous notions) that respect for women and defiance of tyranny will inevitably lead to moral degeneracy.

There are those in some Catholic circles that seem to echo the sentiments of the Taliban in Islam, that women should be regarded as objects of suspicion and scorn. 

 

Many societies around the world suffer from deeply ambivalent, even schizoid attitudes towards women.   The most extreme examples would probably include Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Somalia, and Afghanistan where male dominated societies claim to protect the chastity and frailty of women while subjecting women to brutal punishment and deprivation, going as far as “honor killings” and public executions.

 

In secular circles, we have seen an ugly turn where any women who demand fair treatment, or denounce sexual harassment in the workplace face retaliation and pundits and talk show demagogues encourage their listeners to treat them as “femi-Nazis”.  We have read with disgust how men in positions of power in Hollywood, in Washington, and on network news have felt entitled to belittle women or to demand sexual “services” in exchange for career advancement. 

 

Ukrainians should have a special sensitivity to these issues as many of our ancestral grandmothers suffered a long history of abduction and sexual exploitation at the hands of invading armies – whether the Mongols or Ottoman Turks.  Part of our Kozak tradition and our epic poems celebrate the liberation of the slave market in Kaffa in 1513 and the kozaks’ punitive expeditions to prevent the massive kidnapping of Ukrainian sex slaves.  Many of our girls were brought up to admire the iconic figure of Roksolana who used her beauty, her intelligence and her powers of persuasion to force the Sultan to respect and provide better treatment for her sisters in the harem.

 

After the Maidan Revolution of Dignity, it’s time for Ukrainians to act both at the local level, and internationally, to instill a deep respect for women and girls, and to replace the mindless and often barbaric machismo we’ve seen from some of our politicians, corporate leaders, pundits and demagogues with a fresh insistence on respect for women at every level.

 

Until the ugly downturn in the tone and rhetoric of the last Presidential election when women were vilified and demonized, the rights of women were considered neither a liberal nor conservative issue, but a matter of national dignity.

 

Even the most conservative American Catholic universities have shown the need to advance the dignity of women.  At Ave Maria University in Naples, Florida, for example, the Law School and faculty have established a think tank to combat the global epidemic of human trafficking.  As difficult as these issues may be, priests and religious leaders can begin the process of changing the political culture, much as they have become voices of conscience on issues related to corruption and bribery.  Likewise, social scientists, reformers, policymakers, family counselors, and military chaplains need to play a leading role in bringing these issues out into the open.  Ukraine can distinguish itself in the campaign for change. 

 

We know from our experience in the United States that the problems of domestic violence and sexual abuse will not go away of their own accord.  In a time of war, when men are coming home traumatized from battle, there is a grave risk that they will unleash their fear and frustration on the people closest to them – even the people they love most.  Our priests, our chaplains, and our lay leaders, as well as feminist activists, can find common ground in speaking out against substance abuse and family violence, and insist on the need for protecting those who are most vulnerable as a matter of national honor. 

 

At a time of economic hardship when thousands of Ukrainian women are finding it difficult to find work, it is crucially important that business leaders and social service agencies provide employment opportunities, training, and sanctuary for women and girls that could otherwise be lured into the international sex slave trade.

 

These are not issues of “political correctness”, but common human decency.   And our Churches have no business remaining on the sidelines.

This article represents the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the editors of “Patriyarkhat”

Review on the book “Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe”

 Review on the book   Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe. Matthew Feldman and Marius Turda with Tudor Georgescu. London–New York: Routledge, 2008. xviii, 246 pp.

After an introduction and an introductory chapter that prepare the way for a discussion of “interwar fascism in Europe,” fourteen articles focus on specific countries in three religious groupings: Orthodox Greece, Serbia, Romania Ukraine), Protestant (Britain, Sweden, Germany) and Catholic (Italy, Belgium, Portugal, Austria, Croatia, Ireland, Hungary).

Most readers of this journal will be interested in the article “By Cross and Sword: ‘Clerical Fascism’ in Interwar Western Ukraine” by Anton Shekhovtsov, a graduate of the Sevastopol National Technical University – in philology. At the time of publication, he was completing his doctoral thesis – in political science – at the same institution with a focus on “the political process of European Christian and radical right movements in interwar Ukraine and Eastern Europe generally.”

The introduction discusses the problematic nature of the term “clerical fascism,” with reference to Luigi Sturzo, Roger Eatwell, Mark Juergensmeyer, Robert Lifton, Mircea Eliade and Hugh Trevor-Roper, and proposes a working definition: “an authoritarian socio-political current, which emerges within clergy holding nationalist views, legitimising and supporting fascistized politics as a means of creating a state, in which religion’s authority, once forfeit, is expected to be revived, bringing order and earthly salvation to the nation” (61). The aim of the article is to present western Ukraine as a case study of this interwar European phenomenon.

The next section considers Ukrainian nationalism as a type of fascism – in a few sentences, the nineteenth century and early twentieth century processes are dispensed with and we are taken to 1929 Vienna, where the First Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists formed the OUN. What follows is a survey of this national movement through the prism of its leaders and ideologues – the OUN’s first chief (or vozhd’) Yevhen Konovalets; OUN leader Volodymyr Marynets; the writers Mykola Mikhnovs’kyi and Dmytro Dontsov – neither of whom ever joined the OUN; Mykola Stsibors’kyi, whose 1935 work Natsiokratia outlined organizational principles; Stepan Lenkavs’kyi, author of the “Ten Commandments for the Ukrainian Nationalist”; and Zenon Kossak, whose “Twelve Traits” and Forty-four Rules” developed further on the same theme. The transition of this topic to the religious sphere is made with reference to Dontsov’s 1924 Tserkva i Natsionalizm, which argued that the Catholic Church’s anti-materialism, intolerance and fanaticism imparted nationalism with “theological qualities;” to Maksym Orlyk, whose 1940 Ideia i Chyn Ukrainy argued for religious and national renewal in the face of Bolshevism and materialism; and Stepan Bandera, who we are reminded was the son of a Greek Catholic priest and who wrote in the 1954 article “Ukrains’kyi natsionalizm i relihiia” that Ukrainian nationalism was a Christian movement.

Finally, we arrive at the core of the article, “Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church between Conservatism and ‘Clerical Fascism’,” which will lead to the conclusion that while the study of clerical fascism remains at a preliminary stage, the social and political activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church may be classified according to the attitudes of three groups towards Ukrainian nationalism: clerics who rejected the idea of the nation’s primacy before God and who had a negative view of fascism and Ukrainian nationalism; nationalist clerics, who while lacking direct ties to the OUN felt that it could be exploited for proselytism and “enforced monoconfessionalism;” and “clerical fascists,” who tried to fuse Greek Catholicism and Ukrainian nationalism through a religious notion of revival, and who legitimated violence against Ukraine’s foes.

However, this framework is not applied in this analysis of the confluence of interwar western Ukrainian religion and nationalism, and no direct separation of three groups is given. Instead, we have a series of constructed theses, including the following:

1. “Many Greek Catholic priests took part in battles on the side of the UHA and USS against the Polish army.” Sheptytsky “blessed the yellow and blue banner of the Sich Shooters.” In this connection, Polish Commander Grabovsky is quoted from a discussion of the 1946 Lviv pseudo-Sobor, describing Sheptytsky as “a politician rather than a priest or a bishop” (65). In fact, priests serving on the battlefront would have been chaplains, not front-line soldiers. The Lviv-pseudo-Sobor, an initiative of the NKVD, was a spectacle designed to “justify” the arrest, deportation and murder of the entire episcopate and the coerced, staged “self-liquidation” of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

2. “Terrorist actions against Poland by the OUN were condemned by official circles of the UGCC; activities in which, however, it did not internally prohibit the clergy from participating. For example, Polish police arrested 30 Ukrainian clerics for terrorism over only five months in 1930.” The story of the 1930 Polish pacification campaign remains a contested historical issue, with allegations of brutality on both sides. The arrest of clerics or other individuals at this time establishes neither guilt nor specific the nature of allegations. It is not a conclusive example of anything.

3. Bishop Hryhorii Khomyshyn is singled out for his opposition to Ukrainian nationalism, even in its most moderate forms, and his rejection of Ukrainians’ right to call themselves a nation. In the socio-political dynamics of interwar western Ukraine, such “moral heroism” only gave him cause to fear for his life. The contrary position, which advocated a synthesis between Ukrainian Catholicism and nationalism, while more predominant, was also a source of divergent views (Ivan Kedryn: “one should choose between fascism and Catholicism,” and Yevhen Onats’kyi: “there is no ground for making such a statement”).

4. In the 1930’s the rhetoric of anti-communism was also a powerful instrument that may have inclined some Greek Catholics to favor a synthesis with nationalism.  In this connection, Metropolitan Sheptytsky’s 1936 pastoral letter on Communism is cited with reference to his warnings against collaboration. But there is no mention of his nuanced discussion of Ukrainian communists, or to his earlier reference to the monastery as  “a small communist community” (O kvestii sotisial’nii).

5. Sheptytsky’s 1934 condemnation of the OUN’s assassination of Ivan Babii as a criminal act is contrasted with Osyp Nazaruk’s legal representation of an OUN fighter accused of murdering the secretary of the Soviet Consulate in Lviv. Then, this supposed contradiction is elevated to the status of a “double standard” within Ukrainian Catholicism, and the author claims that what we have is “the condemnation of one act of violence and the simultaneous legitimation of another” (67, emphasis mine). The author either does not understand the meaning of a double standard, or he is unaware of the right of an accused to legal defence and a fair trial. The condemnation of violence by the leader of the Church was not compromised by the legal action of a private individual. To associate the two events is absurd.

Yet the author persists: “This double standard was dictated by the dualistic struggle of the ‘religious Cosmos’ against the ‘Chaotic godless communism.’ In this struggle, no prisoners were to be taken.” Then he attributes the following words to Metropolitan Sheptytsky:

 “All laws which are offensive to the laws of God and nature, all the laws which are unjust and harmful for citizens and people, are not obligatory in the context of Catholic doctrine… Ukrainian nationalism must be ready to use all means of fighting against communism, not excluding mass physical extermination, even at the cost of millions of lives.” (67).

The first sentence resonated with other known statements of the Metropolitan, but the second was suspect and needed to be verified. The footnote citation is fragmentary, lacks a title and is incorrect: Sheptytsky’s little-known article “Ukrains’kyi Katolyts’kyi Soiuz i polityka,” is found – not in Meta #31, 12 August, 1934 pp. 1–2 – but on the front page of Meta, year II, #14 /56/ (10 April, 1932). The first sentence is indeed found in the article, but not the second.

Our author concludes that the UGCC demonized communism and called for violence against it. Sheptytsky’s critique of Stalinist Bolshevism was elaborated at length in his 1936 pastoral letter Ostoroha pered zahrozoiu Komunizmu  and consisted of three parts: it was a form of militant atheism that was bent on the destruction of the Church – as such, it was incompatible with Christianity; its state capitalism led to collectivization of land and a war on peasants – as such, it was impervious to social justice; its genocidal program was aimed at erasing the Ukrainian people from the face of the earth – as such it excluded legitimate efforts at self-determination. While he did refer to that genocidal intent as “diabolical,” Sheptytsky adamantly insisted that Christians meet the challenge as Christians – violence was not an option.

The author refrains from placing specific individuals into one or another of the three proposed camps, so one is left only with constructed theses, implied associations and generalization. While a few Greek Catholics were staunch opponents of nationalism, the Church as a whole probably did demonstrate different levels of commitment to nationalism. But the suggestion that the entire Church was mobilized around an idea of violent opposition to communism is not borne out by the evidence.

 – Andrii Krawchuk, University of Sudbury, Canada

The fate of Europe will always be crucial to the Christian project throughout the world

The following interview with EPPC Distinguished Senior Fellow George Weigel was recently published by the Ukrainian greek-catholic magazine “The Patriarchate” (July-August, №4, 2016)

Джордж Вайґель– Two years ago more than 100 Ukrainians died under the flags of Ukraine and the European Union. It was a very strong gesture of sacrifice. But today in Ukraine we have debates about what Europe is or must be and what a “European Ukraine” means. At the same time in Brexit we witnessed the immense euro-sceptic movement. You wrote a lot of texts on the issue of European identity. What makes Europe – “Europe”?

– “Europe” is less a matter of geography than of culture — a culture formed by the fruitful interaction of Jerusalem (biblical religion), Athens (faith in reason), and Rome (convictions about the superiority of the rule of law over the rule of brute force). One of the reasons that “Europe” is faltering today is that all three of those cultural pillars are wobbling. Perhaps Ukraine, through the experience of the Maidan and what followed, can help “Europe” rediscover the truth about itself.

– Speaking specifically about the modern European project – the EU: In his address during conferral of the Charlemagne prize, Pope Francis said that “Europe, rather than protecting spaces, is called to be a mother who generates processes,” and then he stressed that we must turn our eyes to the founding fathers of post-war Europe. And Cardinal Dziwisz recently made the same reference to the EU founding fathers. So, what has the EU lost from the core idea of its founding fathers during the last decades?

– “Europe” is losing — or, if you are feeling more somber, has lost — the idea of the human person and human society that shaped the social doctrine of the Catholic Church, which was crucial in forming the vision of de Gasperi, Adenauer, and Schuman, among the founders of what is today the EU. And that view of the dignity of the human person and the organic nature of society was what sustained the Catholic social-ethical idea of “subsidiarity” — the ideas that society is a complex of social institutions that includes government but is not limited to government, and hat the free associations of civil society are crucial to public life. There’s a lot of talk today about Europe’s “democracy deficit,” meaning the Brussels bureaucracy’s ignoring the principle of subsidiarity. I’d argue that the “democracy deficit” is really a “God deficit,” for when a culture abandons the God of the Bible it also tends to abandon the idea of the human person and society that inspired the founders of the EU. And the unhappy result is what Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger called, in 205, the “dictatorship of relativism.”

– Pope Francis also has mentioned the role of the Church in “the rebirth of a Europe weary, yet still rich in energies and possibilities.” Then the Pope speaks about the “new European humanism.” There is a lot of speculation about the term “humanism” in contemporary European societies and Ukraine also. What does this “new European humanism” mean from the point of view of the Catholic Church today?

– It means the vision of the human person, human community, human origins, and human destiny that was first born in the Bible — the idea of life as journey and pilgrimage, not randomness or endless, meaningless cycles — and that was given modern social and political form in Catholic social doctrine from Leo XIII through John Paul II. What Europe most needs today is the Christian humanism of John Paul II, and a good place to start exploring that is by reading (or re-reading) his 2003 apostolic letter, Ecclesia in Europa [The Church in Europe], which was a kind of papal “report card” on how “Europe” was doing in the decade and a half after the Revolution of 1989.

– From my point of view, contemporary European society doesn’t wait for answers to its different problems from the Church’s side. Am I right, or is this skepticism about the possible role of the Church in the renewal of Europe real in today’s Europe?

– “Europe” still imagines that it can live off the social and cultural capital of its past. But if the Christian sources of that social and cultural capital aren’t renewed, the account may be bankrupted and the entire edifice may fall.

– Do you believe that as Fr. Jozef Tischner once suggested, the Catholic Church in Europe, having overcome Communism, is on a collision course with secular liberalism?

– I’d put it this way: the entire project of “Europe” is on a collision course with a radically secularized form of liberalism that ends up destroying faith in reason and in the rule of law. In fact, the collision is happening right now. And we’ve got the same issues in North America, I might add. The entire West is now faced with the paradox first formulated in the 1960s by the German legal philosopher Ernst-Friedrich Böckenförde: the liberal democratic project is based on premises that it cannot itself generate.

– I follow some discussions about religion in public life in the North American context. And I’ve read some texts about the so-called “Benedict option” based on Alasdair MacIntyre’s book “After Virtue.” For many communities, this option seems very attractive. What do you think about it in the context of all the challenges and threats to European society?

– In its present form, it’s romantic nonsense, because, first, the battle for the culture isn’t over and, second, the forces of the dictatorship of relativism won’t allow those intentional, small communities of conviction to be formed and sustained. A far more thoughtful variant on this is found in my colleague Yuval Levin’s book, The Fractured Republic.

– You have written eloquently about both the secularization of Europe and the revival of the Catholic faith in places like Poland. Yet even in Poland, at least according to statistics, religious practice as well as adherence to Catholic moral teaching are declining. How do you see the future of the Church in that country?

– Poland could be one engine of Europe’s self-renewal, but it won’t be until the bishops of Poland demonstrate that they understand the social doctrine of John Paul II and until Polish politics stops re-fighting the internal wars of the 1920s.

– What about Orthodox European countries like Greece, Romania, and Bulgaria? Some voices say that countries with an Eastern Christian tradition are more “spiritual” and could help to find a spiritual compass for Western societies. Is this true? Do you see any prospects of the Catholic Church in Eastern Europe working with that region’s Orthodox Churches for the re-evangelization of Europe?

– There is nothing in the theology of Orthodoxy to suggest that it has a coherent proposal for building the free and virtuous society in the twenty-first century. The Byzantine “symphonia” inevitably leads to the subordination of the Church to the state — at least that seems to be the verdict of history. So we need a new and serious conversation between the Eastern Christian traditions and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. Happily, at least some Orthodox thinkers are proposing just that. There are some hopeful signs, but for so long as Russian Orthodoxy is tied to Putinesque nationalism, it’s unlikely.

– In Eastern European countries religion is very close to nationalism; in some periods it helped them to resist, but is it a good thing for today’s situation? For example, in Poland, Ukraine or other countries?

– Christian conviction can form a patriotism that is not xenophobic, but that comes to appreciate others’ national and cultural patrimonies through an affirmation of one’s own. That’s very different from xenophobia, which is the temptation faced by certain forms of Christian nationalism today.

– What could Europeans and East Europeans learn from US Catholics in the face of modern challenges? Because our present discussions in the public sphere are not unknown to your experience, such themes concerning moral principles and the place of religion in the public square, and its influence on social processes, are not new to American Catholics.

– I’d like to say that “Europe” could learn from America some lessons about building and sustaining genuinely pluralistic democracies, but given the current crisis in American political culture, which has produced two utterly unacceptable presidential candidates, I would be very reluctant to say that, at least without a lots of qualifiers.

– Today, as in the interwar period, we see a number of authoritarian governments in Eastern Europe and beyond seeking (and sometimes obtaining) the support of Christian churches. One can see this phenomenon in Hungary, Poland, and Russia, for example. What is your view of this development?

– Hungary, Poland, and Russia are three very different situations that ought not be taken as three expressions of the same phenomenon. Russia, for example, is an authoritarian kleptocracy, which is not true of either Hungary or Poland. The real question at issue in Hungary and Poland is whether democratic commitments can co-exist with a rejection of the lifestyle libertinism of Brussels, which is the most aggressive form being taken by European laicite today.

– With Pope Francis, the focus of the Catholic Church has moved to the Africa, Asia and Latin America. It seems to me that this focus is disproportional in relation to the European situation, and we might “lose” Europe in the end. Or does Europe not need such a focus now, being able to deal with its problems relying on its own resources?

– The first inculturation of the Gospel was in Europe. That’s why the fate of Europe will always be crucial to the Christian project throughout the world. Losing the historic Christian heartland may be a possibility, but it certainly won’t be helpful in evangelizing the world.

Anatoliy Babynskyi, editor-in-chief of “The Patriarchate” magazine

George Weigel is the Distinguished Senior Fellow and William E. Simon Chair in Catholic Studies at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.

This article represents the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the editors of “Patriyarkhat”

This article represents the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the editors of “Patriyarkhat”

Gaudete et Exsultate: A Call to Lay Action

Dr Andrew SOROKOWSKY

Pope Francis’ Apostolic Exhortation “Gaudete et Exsultate: On the Call to Holiness in Today’s World” (19 March 2018) is addressed to all of us. Its purpose is “to re-propose the call to holiness in a practical way for our own time” (no. 2). Francis emphasizes that the call to holiness is for everyone. And while an apostolic exhortation does not have the dogmatic, defining quality of an encyclical, Francis’ intent here is not to define doctrine. Rather, it is to exhort us – to encourage each of us to aspire to holiness.

Pope Francis’ thinking has been described as typically Jesuit. Ukrainians have a negative historical memory of the Jesuits, whom they associate with centuries of Polish Roman Catholic colonization. But “jesuitical” casuistry was in fact a flexible and perhaps humane approach to moral and ethical problems, taking each case individually rather than imposing strict rules with unbending uniformity. In any case, according to one observer, a mark of Pope Francis’s thinking is that he favors practical discernment of situations over statements of abstract concepts – he has a “preference for situations over ideas.”[1]

 The exhortation is long (177 sections), but I would encourage everyone to read it in full. It might be best to take each of its five chapters separately. Chapter One, “The Call to Holiness,” introduces the subject. Chapter Two, “Two Subtle Enemies of Holiness,” discusses Gnosticism and Pelagianism – ancient heresies that represent two common and persistent errors in the human quest for salvation. Indeed, both are in full evidence today. Chapter Three, “In the Light of the Master,” discusses the Beatitudes (Matthew 5:3-11), the first part of the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5-7), which for Pope Francis are the core of the Christian message (nos. 65-94). Indeed, the title of the exhortation, “Rejoice and be Glad,” comes from the conclusion to the Beatitudes (Matthew 5:12). Francis focuses next on the conclusion of Jesus’ Olivet Discourse (Matthew 25:31-46), which he terms “the Great Criterion” (no. 95-99). This leads to a brief discussion of two false ideologies of our time regarding social engagement, one of which over-emphasizes it, while the other neglects it (nos. 100-103). In Chapter Four, “Signs of Holiness in Today’s World,” Pope Francis comments on five expressions of the love of God. Finally, in Chapter Five, he discusses “Spiritual Combat, Vigilance, and Discernment.”

While every human being should find this exhortation of relevance to his life, several passages seem particularly relevant to Ukraine and Ukrainians. One in particular is striking. In Chapter Three, discussing the Beatitudes, Francis says:

In living the Gospel, we cannot expect that everything will be easy, for the thirst for power and worldly interests often stands in our way. Saint John Paul II noted that “a society is alienated if its forms of social organization, production and consumption make it more difficult to offer this gift of self and to establish this solidarity between people.” In such a society, politics, mass communications, and economic, cultural and even religious institutions become so entangled as to become an obstacle to authentic human and social development. As a result, the Beatitudes are not easy to live out; any attempt to do so will be viewed negatively, regarded with suspicion, and met with ridicule. (no. 91)

The quotation from Saint John Paul II refers to his encyclical Centesimus Annus at no. 41 (cited in note 78 of the exhortation). The Polish pope’s encyclical was issued in 1991, the hundredth anniversary of Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical Rerum novarum (the first of the great modern papal documents on the social doctrine of the Church[2]) and, as it turned out several months later, the year of the collapse of the USSR.

In the passage from which the quote is taken, St. Pope John Paul II discusses the concept of “alienation” as a reversal of means and ends. Alienation is a result of an inability to find one’s true nature as a human being created in the image of God. Only by discovering this true nature can one transcend oneself, making a “free gift of self” to others. It is the inability to make this gift that causes alienation in the individual. The same, he continues, applies to society. Thus, an alienated society is one that cannot create solidarity through the “free gift of self.”

Is Ukrainian society “alienated”? Do its “forms of social organization, production and consumption” prevent it from establishing social solidarity? Do its “politics, mass communications, and economic, cultural and even religious institutions,” in Pope Francis’ words, form a tangled “obstacle to authentic human and social development”?

There is evidence that they do. While a full discussion would require a monograph, for our purposes four brief examples, chosen almost at random, should suffice. They come from the fields of agriculture, labor, ecology, and culture.

Agriculture is an area where the forms of production and consumption are changing radically. The traditional Ukrainian rural way of life, based on the village economy, was disrupted first by the imposition of serfdom, then, under the Soviet regime, by collectivization and forced famine. In western Ukraine, small farming survived through the organization of cooperatives, until postwar Soviet rule destroyed that system too. Today, circumstances often compel small farmers to sell their land to enormous multinational agribusinesses in return for supposedly steady wage labor, which turns them into employees rather than proprietors and producers. Moreover, these new latifundias often produce crops not for Ukraine, but for export, while the profits chiefly benefit not the producers, but international shareholders. Thus, the system of small farmers producing for their families and for the local market – a system which builds social solidarity – is destroyed.

Many villagers, unable to compete with agribusiness, go abroad as guest workers. Here again, the traditional forms of social organization and production are disrupted. Husbands and sons leave to labor in agriculture or industry, wives and daughters to work as domestics or caregivers, in places like Italy, Portugal, or France; children are often left with only one parent or neither. The family, the community, the society itself is disrupted. People become “trans-national,” without firm roots in either their country of birth or their country of employment; many, indeed, remain in illegal status. Under such conditions, there can be no social solidarity, no “authentic human and social development.”

Meanwhile, the natural resources of Ukraine fall prey to oligarchs who use political levers to extract economic gains, often illegally. Thus, the Carpathian Mountains have been denuded of a considerable portion of their forests. The degradation of the environment prevents authentic human development because man is called to live in harmony with God’s creation, exerting stewardship over natural resources and sharing them with others, rather than exploiting them in an unsustainable manner for private profit.

Ukraine has attracted international attention in its attempts to counter Russian influence in mass communications and “popular” culture. The problem, however, is broader than that. Church leaders have long noted the negative moral effects of Western as well as Russian entertainment products – to call them “culture” would hardly be appropriate – on the general public and on youth in particular. Meanwhile, the native film industry, for example, languishes. Liberal cultural and media policies threaten authentic human and social development because they effectively favor well-funded “entertainment industries,” which specialize in violent and sexually exploitative products, over genuine art and culture.  

Can the church do anything to overcome the resultant alienation of individuals and society itself, to re-establish social solidarity and authentic human development? This is not the place to provide more than a hint of an answer in the four problem areas we have cited. In agriculture, for example, foreign investment could be beneficial. But laws and policies that protect the small farmer as well as the village community should be designed and implemented. In labor, radical economic reform is needed to provide jobs at a family wage for Ukraine’s workers, removing the temptation to seek higher wages abroad. Effective enforcement of environmental regulations – admittedly easier said than done – is a matter of national economic as well as social survival. In the area of mass media, various tax, tariff, and other legal and economic tools could restrict the import of morally toxic entertainment products, while affirmative policies could foster the growth and development of authentic culture. These answers are not, of course, sufficiently specific or complete, and they may be altogether wrong. The point, however, is that answers can be fashioned and put into practice – not by the church hierarchy or clergy, of course, but by the broader church in the full sense – that is, by an active and engaged laity. 

Of course, such answers inevitably call forth the objection that in Ukraine’s present condition, defending itself from foreign aggression while remaining in the grip of a rapacious oligarchy with no concept of the common good, they are simply unrealistic. Certainly, this author, as a citizen and resident of the United States, is in no position to judge their likelihood of success. But the point is that all such initiatives – political, legislative, economic — are the task of the Catholic laity — not just as Ukrainian citizens who happen to worship in a Catholic church, but as Catholics who seek holiness through social action as well as personal sanctification. For it is a false though common idea that separation of church from state means that the church, as the entire body of believers, cannot take positions on public affairs, or that its workaday civic and economic life is separate from its faith. Pope Francis emphasizes that faith without practical action is not true holiness. Catholic faith, as reflected in the Beatitudes, must inform the laity’s civic, political, economic, social and cultural activity.

Centered on the Beatitudes, holiness as described by Pope Francis requires social as well as personal transformation. This transformation is akin to the metanoia of the Byzantine tradition, but applied to society as a whole. It cannot happen by words, thoughts, or ideas alone. It requires action.

[1] Andrew M. Haines, Talking with Jesuits, Ethika/Politika, June 7, 2018). https://ethikapolitika.org/2018/06/07/talking-with-jesuits

[2] For a commentary on Centesimus Annus, see Thomas Storck, An Economics of Justice and Charity: Catholic Social Teaching, Its Development and Contemporary Relevance, Kettering, Ohio, 2017, chapter five and appendix II).

This article represents the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the editors of “Patriyarkhat”